Heirs to Merlin Chapter Eleven: Politics
See Also
- The Ars Magica Reference Document
- The Heirs to Merlin Open Content page
- The Heirs to Merlin product page on this wiki
Chapter 11: Politics
This chapter describes the current political situation in the Stonehenge Tribunal, both mundane and Hermetic. The two domains are treated independently, because the information in this chapter could be found out by anyone who was a bit persistent. If any covenant is interfering in mundane affairs, it will be hiding its tracks rather better than that.
Each section contains two parts. The first is a general overview, describing the shape of the political landscape. The second lists and briefly describes important points of tension, the things that could develop into major conflicts.
Mundane Politics
Overview
Two facts are central to the mundane political situation. One is that Henry III is twelve years old, and thus a minor. The other is that his supporters won a civil war three years ago. Thus, at a time when royal authority is in doubt, it must assert control over people who, recently, were fighting against it.
Royal rule is in the hands of three men. Pandulf, the papal legate, is in charge. William Marshal (see page 97) committed Henry to the legate's care, and Pandulf is also the representative of the Pope, who is Henry's feudal overlord as well as the head of the Church. In theory, therefore, he can do whatever he wants. In practice, he consults extensively with the other members of the government, and listens to their advice.
Peter des Roches, the bishop of Winchester, is the second member of the triumvirate. He was the king's tutor until the Marshal died, and is bishop of the richest see in the country. He is also a noted warrior, and was largely responsible for the royalist victory at Lincoln. He is rather authoritarian, and scornful of Magna Carta, and his colleagues often have to rein him in.
King Henry
Born 1 October 1207, king 18 October 1216
Henry is twelve years old, clearly too young to run the country, and so real power is in the hands of the triumvirate described in the inserts throughout the chapter. However, he will be old enough to claim his majority in a few years, maybe as few as three, so people are jockeying for position, hoping to be in royal favor when he takes over.
His day to day care is still the responsibility of Peter des Roches, and his tutor has strongly shaped his personality. Henry has a deep personal piety, and a strong devotion to St. Edward the Confessor. He also has an abiding respect for his father's memory, unlike almost everyone else, and a clear conception of the fullness of royal power. While he accepts tutelage now, he believes that once he is of age, his will should be law. He has also picked up a love of hunting and luxury, both noted features of des Roches's personality but unlikely to have been part of his formal tuition.
Henry is a handsome boy, always dressed as befits a king, and accompanied by several guards. He is rarely seen without at least one of the triumvirate, usually des Roches, at his side.
Hubert de Burgh, the justiciar, is responsible for day-to-day administration: finance, justice, and patronage. He has the weakest personal base of the three, but he is an expert politician, and is rapidly coming to have the greatest practical power.
Royal authority is very weak at the moment. One reason is the king's minority: many officials, particularly castellans and sheriffs, take the position that they cannot be dismissed until the king is of age. Another, related to the first, is lack of money. While they cannot be removed, many of the sheriffs are taking the opportunity to withhold the revenue from their shires. Without the money, the king cannot raise the troops necessary to force them to comply, so he is required to go along with the situation.
Other sources of revenue are similarly affected. Many of the king's demesne manors are held by local nobles, and they refuse to surrender them back to the king. Often, these manors were assigned to them temporarily by John, and they take the same line as the sheriffs. Other times, they simply took over them in the war, and now refuse to give them up, at least without some compensation. The profits of justice are reduced because, despite the general eyre, many sheriffs and magnates are obstructing the work of the king's justices, or ignoring decisions that go against them.
Compounding this problem is the crown's need to give away some of its assets in order to reward the loyalty of those who fought for it in the civil war, and to ensure their continuing loyalty now. Wardships of minors, which normally produce a considerable royal profit, are being given away to nobles in return for their loyalty, as is the right to marry heiresses. Demesne manors are still passing out of royal control as a result of this process, despite the need to gather as many as possible.
A second reason for the weakness is the peace treaty that ended the war. Louis of France was promised 10,000 marks for leaving England, and the king has yet to pay all of this. More importantly, the treaty specifies that all men shall recover the land that they held when the war began. Those who gained more land during the war are reluctant to give it up, and some of those who supported the king were rewarded with land taken from those who opposed him. Now the treaty requires the king to take land from his supporters and give it to his former enemies.
Pandulf
Papal legate since 1218
Pandulf is an Italian, and the early part of his life was spent as a clerk in the Papal Curia, within which he was the Pope's subdeacon. His association with England began in 1211, when he was sent as an ambassador to discuss the lifting of the interdict. King John met him and tried to intimidate him into removing the church's ban, having criminals tortured and executed in his presence. Pandulf refused to back down, and even saved one of the victims who, as a clerk, was not subject to royal justice. Despite the threats, Pandulf returned safely to Rome.
He was back in England in 1213, this time to accept John's surrender. He received the crown from the king, and gave it back to him, installing him as a vassal of the Holy See. He also smoothed over relations with Philip of France, who had expected to be able to invade England with Papal approval. Later in the same year Cardinal Nicholas arrived as the papal legate, and Pandulf became a negotiator, particularly between the English and French courts. In 1214 he was elected bishop of Norwich, but he has not yet been installed because that would put him under the authority of the archbishop of Canterbury.
He spent the first years of Henry's reign back at the Papal Curia, but returned to England as legate in 1218. He is loyal to the English throne, surprisingly so for a foreigner, and is a very able diplomat. For example, many of the reconciliations that have been made between the factions have been his doing. He is also rather greedy, although more for his followers than for himself, and has a tendency to act in a rather highhanded manner. Still, it is very hard for him to actually exceed his authority in England, given how great that authority is.
This redistribution simply isn't happening. The royal regency is trying to enforce it, supporting former rebels as much as former loyalists, but it doesn't have the power to make nobles give up possession of land. Men on both sides are making heavy use of the legal system, but things frequently degenerate into private war.
A third problem arises from the king's weakness. He needs strong local officers to enforce his will, but with the center being so weak, any agent strong enough to enforce justice is too strong for the king to control. This is particularly noticeable in the cases of the earl of Chester, even in his absence, the earls of Salisbury and Derby, and Falkes de Bréauté. All these men profess total loyalty to the king, while disregarding any instructions from the central government that they do not like.
The main bright point for the king is that the Church is absolutely on his side. The legate fully supports him, and the abbots and bishops of the land are selected so as to be loyal to the crown.
If these domestic troubles aren't enough, Henry also faces international problems. Prince Llywelyn of Wales always acknowledges that Henry is his lord, but he doesn't act like it. During the civil war he took control of south Wales, with the exception of the Marshal holdings in the extreme southwest and southeast, and he now disposes affairs within the principality as he wishes. He is engaged in constant low-level warfare with the Anglo-Norman Marcher barons, and refuses to accept royal judgment in the various points at issue.
Peter des Roches
Born 1168, bishop of Winchester since 1205
Peter des Roches was born in the county of Tours, in France, and came to England with King John after the loss of Normandy in 1204. He was a close associate of the king, and one of the few courtiers who never fell from royal favor. After John's death, this was not an advantage, and many still hold a grudge against him for this reason alone.
There are other reasons. As bishop of Winchester, des Roches is one of the richest men in England, with an annual income of over £3500. He is also the center of a network of other Frenchmen, whom he has put into positions of power and influence. This group has always enthusiastically supported efforts to regain the king's continental lands, which many of the English nobles see as expensive and futile wastes of their money.
When England was put under the interdict, all the bishops, except for des Roches, left the country, as ordered by the Pope. Des Roches stayed, serving the king at the Exchequer, and acting as a mediator between the Pope and the crown. When the king and Pope were reconciled, he was exempted from the punishments inflicted on other clerks who had remained in the royal service. During this period, he was made the guardian of the young Prince Henry, with responsibility for his upbringing.
When John left England for the doomed continental campaign of 1214, des Roches was made justiciar, and thus the regent. He continued John's arbitrary and unpopular methods of government, and was thus caught in the wave of rebellion that followed the disaster at Bouvines, and John's retreat to England. Throughout the civil war he was faithfully on the royal side, and was even able, on papal authority, to suspend the archbishop of Canterbury for aiding the rebels.
After John's death he remained at the center of things, officiating at Henry's coronation and retaining his wardship of the boy. With William Marshal's death he tried to gain the regency, but was too unpopular with the other nobles. Instead, he has a third part of the regency. Recently, while he has consolidated his power in Hampshire, he has been marginalized by the other two triumvirs. He is not popular with either Pandulf or Hubert de Burgh, and his future is somewhat uncertain.
Des Roches is as much as warrior as a bishop, and personally led troops at the battle of Lincoln. He is, however, enthusiastic in charitable giving, and a patron of scholars and artists. He also has a great respect for royal power, and for King John, and a contempt for Magna Carta. He has been instilling these views into his ward, the present king. He also has a love of luxury and a great love of hunting, which Henry seems to have acquired from simple example. He is a tall man, and has a loud and sonorous voice, ideally suited to shouting commands in battle or preaching to large audiences.
Alexander II, king of Scotland, fought on Louis's side in the civil war, and is now pushing for a reconsideration of treaties signed between Scotland and England in 1209 and 1212. Neither side really wants these treaties enforced, but at present the English side is in breach. Louis promised Alexander the three northern counties of England, and it is possible that, if Alexander is not satisfied, he will try to take them.
The English lordships in Ireland supported Henry during the civil war, but now the justiciar of Ireland, Geoffrey de Marsh, is refusing to come to England and account for the revenues of his office. While outright rebellion is unlikely, he may be trying to form a palatinate, within which he has vice-regal authority.
Finally, there are the king's French possessions. Normandy was lost in 1204, but Poitou and Gascony remain. Philip of France has made several attempts to conquer these, and a truce between the two countries is about to expire. Negotiations are in progress to renew it, but these have yet to succeed. Furthermore, the king's administration in Poitou is currently without a head, as Geoffrey de Nevile, the seneschal, has returned to England to resign his office, on the grounds that he has not been given the resources necessary to carry out his role. The counts of Marche, powerful vassals of the king in Poitou, have only just stopped making threatening noises, but Queen Isabella, the king's mother and countess of Angoulême, and wife of Hugh de Lusignan, count of Marche, is threatening to withdraw her support and counsel if she doesn't receive more aid.
Hubert de Burgh
Justiciar since 1215
Hubert is the nephew of William FitzAldelm, who was Henry II's steward, and through him got an entry into royal office. He was employed by Richard in minor capacities, and then by John, first as an ambassador to Portugal, and then as a chamberlain. In 1203 Hubert was given custody of Arthur of Brittany, and a fairly solid rumor has it that John sent an order that Arthur should be killed, which Hubert refused to obey, instead simply claiming that it had been carried out. When the Bretons redoubled their attacks, Hubert revealed the deception, and John took Arthur into his own custody. Arthur was not seen alive again.
In 1204, after most of Poitou had fallen to the French, Hubert was still holding the castle of Chinon, without any support from John. After several months the assault had so damaged the fortifications that he had to leave the castle and offer battle. He was badly outnumbered and his army was defeated while he himself was captured. His release took some time to negotiate, but by 1214 he was serving John as the seneschal of Niore and Poitou. When the English barons rebelled, he stayed on John's side, and was one of his supporters at Runnymede. He was made justiciar in June 1215, a post that he still holds.
When Louis invaded England, Hubert was made castellan of Dover, and he held the fortress bravely and effectively against assault. Louis sent messengers offering to give him Norfolk and Suffolk in fee if he would surrender the castle, but he still refused. After the battle of Lincoln the castle was under less pressure, and he was able to meet with the other leaders. Louis was expecting reinforcements from France, and they were coming in a fleet of eighty ships, led by Eustace the Monk. Hubert led a fleet of about thirty English ships out against them, and at first seemed to be sailing past them. The French fleet, sure that so few would not dare to attack them, simply ignored them. Once the English fleet had got behind the French, however, they turned to run with the wind, and fell on the French ships from behind. The result was a total victory for the English, and Eustace was beheaded against the rail of his own ship. With the loss of these forces, Louis had no choice but to withdraw from England.
With the war over, Hubert turned his attentions to administration, which all fell under his control as justiciar. Since the death of William Marshal, he has gained almost complete control over royal machinery and he is becoming more significant as time passes. He is a very astute politician, and a skilled and brave military leader. He is also very loyal to the king, but is interested in building himself an independent base of wealth — he remembers John's volatility all too well.
Flashpoints
In this generally tense atmosphere there are a number of issues that might serve as the spark that ignites a conflagration. This section lists them, in no particular order.
One that affects the whole country arises from the Charter of the Forest. This charter requires that all land which was afforested by Henry II or his sons be disafforested. The extent and dates of the royal forest is to be determined by perambulations in all the counties, the results being sent to the Exchequer. Most counties claim that all forest, other than that on royal demesne, was afforested by Henry II or his sons. The royal authorities refuse to accept this (and are quite right, as it is not true). They thus order further perambulations, which return the same result.
Nicola de Hay, the constable of Lincoln castle and, arguably, rightful sheriff of the county is engaged in a dispute with the earl of Salisbury, who claims both posts. In 1219 Salisbury seized control of the castle, but Nicola regained it with the help of Falkes de Bréauté. Salisbury is still the sheriff of the county, and Nicola is applying all pressure that she can to regain the office. At the same time, Salisbury is trying to regain Lincoln castle, by bribery or force as legal remedies have failed him.
Henry fitz Count, the son of the old earl of Cornwall and sheriff of that county, is refusing to pay his receipts into the treasury, and is sending judges through the county on his own authority, thus usurping royal prerogative. He has not been created earl, but is trying to take the title anyway.
In Devon, Falkes de Bréauté has been given custody of the lands of the earl of Devon, whose father died in 1216. This is a source of conflict with Robert de Courtenay, the sheriff of the county and a major landholder, who resents the intrusion of a commoner into his sphere of influence.
Philip of Oldcoates, the sheriff of Northumbria, holds Mitford castle. This has been assigned to Roger Bertram by the king, but Philip refuses to surrender it. He has been summoned to court on several occasions, but has often refused to come, and has generally asserted that the king must compensate him before he will give up the castle.
William Marshal the Younger, earl of Pembroke, holds Fotheringhay castle, despite royal orders that he surrender it to the king of Scotland, who holds it as part of the honor of Huntingdon. At the same time, the earl is suing Falkes de Bréauté for seisin of four manors, which the earl claims were merely granted during his pleasure, but which Falkes claims were granted in perpetuity.
William de Fors, count of Aumale, holds Rockingham, a royal castle, despite demands from the government that he surrender it.
Hermetic Politics
Overview
The Stonehenge Tribunal has only recently acquired politics as such. In the past few tribunals were quorate, and Blackthorn dominated those which were. Covenants had little to do with one another, and most disputes were settled by certámen and Wizard's War.
This is now changing, but it is too soon to say what the new landscape will look like. Voluntas was at the center of the anti-Blackthorn party, and still pursues its vendetta. To most other covenants, however, it looks like Blackthorn has been beaten, and Voluntas seems rather obsessive. The king's minority has come at a good time for the covenants, giving them breathing space to get used to the new state of the tribunal before the weight of royal authority begins to press upon them once again.
There are a few features of Stonehenge that may come to shape its political landscape. One is the omnipresence of officialdom — at least in normal times. All established covenants have had to make some sort of accommodation with the mundane authorities, and these agreements do not always have the sanction of the tribunal. It will be essential for the covenants to work out a way to live with the mundanes, while remaining within the Code.
The tension between Blackthorn and Voluntas goes back over a century, and since these are two of the most powerful covenants in the tribunal, their feud is likely to have a significant impact on politics. One possibility is that the tribunal will split into two blocs, while an alternative scenario would have most covenants switching affiliation between the two for their own advantage.
Finally, there is a serious danger of a major resource shortage. Mundane agriculture is spreading to more of the land, and some sources of raw vis are disappearing under the plough. At the same time, the tribunal is undergoing rapid growth. More optimistic magi suppose that the resources are still there, just waiting to be found, but if they are wrong the shortage will add a major source of tension.
Flashpoints
Schola Pythagoranis, Libellus, and Nigrasaxa are all located within a small region of the tribunal. Whether or not the tribunal as a whole faces a shortage of magical resources, these covenants definitely face a local shortage. Conflict between them over vis sources is increasing, especially as Schola Pythagoranis seeks to establish outpost laboratories in magical auras. As these covenants were all part of the original anti-Blackthorn bloc, they have not yet come into open conflict, but all the ingredients are there.
Schola Pythagoranis is deeply involved in mundane affairs, to an extent that might well be in violation of the Code. They have the strong support of their house, and the fact that both Voluntas and Libellus are represented by Jerbitons at tribunal has protected them from censure so far. It is not clear how long this can last. The covenant, however, has good relations with the mundanes, and might be able to fall back on them for protection. It would not be easy to March a covenant located in the middle of a city.
Voluntas is trying to encroach on Ungulus's territory, reacting to the older covenant's perceived weakness. Ungulus is not completely dead, however, and might well be able to fight back.
Burnham is an object of suspicion to other covenants. No one knows what it is doing, it refuses to explain, and everyone comes up with his own hypotheses.
Immanola still holds to her prediction of imminent disaster for the Order, and might well try to retake the praeco's place in order to prepare the tribunal properly.
Blackthorn has faced frequent accusations of diabolism in the past, and these are unlikely to stop. No conclusive evidence has ever been found, but such accusations might well be used to distract attention from accusations against another covenant. They might even be true, which would cause major upheavals.
Voluntas still has hostile relations with Horsingas covenant in Loch Leglean, tensions which date back to the Norman Conquest of England. These could easily flare up again.
Ashenrise covenant in Hibernia was founded by the magi of Tagelyn when Blackthorn drove them out. They have not forgotten, and Blackthorn's current weakness may provide an opportunity for them to take action.
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