The Dragon and the Bear Chapter Two: The Slavs
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The Slavs
This chapter covers three areas: Russia, Poland, and the Baltic states. Russia is examined up to 1235, Poland to 1241. At these points their histories were savagely interrupted by the Mongol invasions. The invasions so completely change Russia that it is only sensible to treat the second half of the century after the Mongols have been discussed in detail. Poland was less seriously affected, but still badly damaged. Chapter 6 addresses the Mongols, their invasions, and the aftermath.
The Baltic states, however, are discussed right up to the end of the century. Their history is relatively uninterrupted and easily discussed as a whole.
The Slavs
As previously mentioned, the early Slavs lived in small village communities, each composed of several Zadrugya (the “great family”), each made up of a group of brothers or male cousins, with their wives, children, and a few elderly relatives. A dozen or so villages would form a clan and several clans a tribe. Each tribe had a chieftain, usually elected, and a council of elders.
The early Slavs lived at a typical iron-age level of agriculture and craftwork. Technology has improved by the 13th century and the cities have grown up, but the agricultural basis of rural life remains much the same: hunting, bee-keeping, fishing, cereal and root crop cultivation, and stock breeding. Wood was the paramount building material. Rural dwellings followed one of two patterns. The northern house was a heavy log cabin (izba), often dug into the ground. The southern was a frame house (klet or khata), the walls filled with clay and stucco. All wooden structures and objects were richly decorated with carving and painting. The other principle arts of the Slavs, both ancient and medieval, were weaving, furriery, tanning, and ceramics.
Religion and Magic
The Slavs were Sun and Earth worshippers. They had many gods, most of whom shared attributes of Fire, Sun, and Fertility. Not all tribes chose to worship the same gods, but at the root of the Slavic religion was the simple notion that the world passed through an annual cycle of birth, growth, decay, death, and then rebirth.
This cycle was easily seen in the waxing and waning of the sun’s power and the turn of the seasons. Accordingly the Slavs marked the solstices and equinoxes with elaborate rituals. They especially celebrated the turn of midwinter (when the Sun was reborn), the coming of spring (the return of fertility) and the harvest season. Furthermore, they believed that the universe was organized around a mighty World Tree, an Oak, which pierced the three levels of existence: Heaven, Earth, and Hell.
What follows is a list of the major deities of the Slavs, with a few notes on their important attributes. For more detail see Appendix II, which begins on page 177.
Major Slavic Gods...
Svarog: King of the gods; a sun god of cosmic light, sun, and fire
Mati-Syra-Zemlya: Mother Moist Earth; nature and the world
Perun: God of thunder, lightning, and war
Svarozhich: A god of fire; one of Svarog’s sons
Dazhdbog: A sun god; junior to Svarog; god of creative light, sun, and fire
Khors: The physical, astronomical sun
Stribog: God of wind and air
Iarilo: An aspect of Dazhbog, a fertility god; particularly influential in springtime
Volos: God of poetry, oracles, money, commerce, and cattle; many attributes
Mokosh: Goddess of liberation and redemption; one of the few female divinities
...and Others
The Slavs worshipped three other sorts of beings.
- Ancestors: The dead watched over the clan’s fortunes, encouraged their descendants, and were often “feasted” by the sacrificial burning of food.
- Natural Objects: Particular rocks, trees, ponds, rivers, and lakes, all of whom possessed spirits (that is, faeries), many of them benevolent. There were spirits in the home and wilder, more mysterious spirits in the wilds.
- Animals: Deer and horses were popular totems, but any creature could serve as a spiritual protector.
The Volkhvy
The priests of the ancient Slavs were called Volkhv (plural: Volkhvy). They performed ritual sacrifices, gave prophecies, and practiced surgery. They were also gifted sorcerers. They could shapechange, travel vast distances in an instant, and hide themselves in conjured mists. Any tribal council of elders was composed mostly of Volkhvy.
Magic of the Living World
To the Slavs the world and the objects within it were alive, and sacred.
To the Slavs there was nothing, literally nothing, that didn’t partake in some measure of divinity: every tool, every ear of rye or barley, every animal, every drop of rain. And any activity could be assisted by knowledge of the proper incantations. A craftsman, it was thought, did not of himself perform his work. Instead, from his tools, he evoked their fundamental magic and encouraged them to do the work themselves.
History
The Slavs were never conquered by Rome or Charlemagne, and their known history begins around 850 AD. At this time they had broken into three groups. In the Balkans were the Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes; in the northwest were the Poles and Czech-Slovaks. The last and largest group of Slavs were the eastern branch. These tribes, at least two dozen, inhabited European Russia, Byelorussia, and the Ukraine. Other important groups in the region included a variety of pagan Baltic tribes, particularly the Pomeranians, Prussians, and Lithuanians.
Russia: Building the Nation
In Russia in 850 AD, the Khazars were the dominant power. The latest of the noma hordes, they had settled in the northern Caucasus two centuries earlier and built their capital, Itil of the seven districts, in the delta of the Volga river. They had soon evolved into a trading people. Goods flowed across their lands from the Orient and Russia to the crowded bazaars of the middle east and the great markets of Byzantium. The Khazars extracted tribute from many of the Slavic tribes.
In more recent times a new group of nomads had arrived from the Finnish wastes, and allied with the Khazars. These were the Magyars and they lived due south of Kiev.
The third power in Russia were the Volga Bulgars. This was a Muslim state, less aggressive than the Khazars, but a unified realm, unlike the “Russian” tribes.
It was this situation into which the Vikings burst. The next two centuries were to be the Viking era. Brilliant mariners, they ruled the seas and would soon besiege Paris, seize London, and raid in Spain, Italy, and Germany.
In Russia they came down the rivers. They knew no mercy and acknowledged no boundaries to their ambitions. The Slavs called these savages Varangians, and in the course of a few decades they had penetrated the heart of Russia, with widely scattered bases as far south as the Crimea.
Calling of the Varangians
The Varangians tormented the northern tribes. Resolving not to tolerate these invaders, the Slovenes, Krivichians, and Merians banded together and expelled them. Then, however, the victors fell to squabbling among themselves. Some order and rule were plainly needed to protect them from new bands of raiders, but what was to be done? The solution was simple. The tribes sent a message to Sweden. “Come,” they said to the Swedish princes, “and set some good man over us, that there be peace in our land.”
The man who answered this “calling of the Varangians” was the renowned Viking prince Rurik. He very swiftly established his rule in all the lands about the city of Novgorod, and the tribes paid him tribute. Though Rurik was fully occupied in the north, he also wanted to set up some authority in the south. Accordingly, around 859, he sent two lieutenants, Askold and Dir, to Kiev. They seized the city from the local Magyar warlord and began negotiations to gain passage down the Dnieper to the Black Sea. Their target was Constantinople.
Aided by mercenary bands of Varangians, and by Scandinavian settlers in the eastern Crimea (Tmutorokan), Askold and Dir succeeded in gathering over 200 ships and attacked in the summer of 861. By strength of arms and ruthlessness the invaders managed to besiege Constantinople.
Distraught, the people of the city turned to their Patriarch, Photius, who besought God’s mercy. In solemn procession, he led the assembled citizens to the harbor and washed in the water the Robes of the Virgin Mary. At once the sky darkened with massive storm clouds and the sea rose. When the skies cleared the whole shoreline was littered with shattered Varangian hulls.
Askold and Dir, with a few destitute followers, returned to Kiev. A treaty followed with Byzantium, and missionaries came to the south, establishing the first “Russian” see in Tmutorokan in 866.
In 873 Rurik died. He had never ruled a united land, only held a tenuous overlordship in the north. However, the failure of the southern war had brought trade in its wake, encouraging prosperity. Kiev was growing, and Novgorod was now at the head of a great chain of commerce.
First Unity
With Rurik dead his distant cousin Oleg, foster father to Rurik’s infant son Igor, ascended the Novgorodian throne. Oleg had been born in Livonia and was tutored in his youth in the Volkhv arts. He was young and ambitious and guided by a council of Volkhv “doctors.” Swiftly, Oleg set out to bring Russia together under one rule. In 878 he moved on the south, the northern tribes and many Varangians marching with him. He took first Smolensk then Lyubech, and finally Kiev which, Oleg declared, would be his capital, henceforth to be known as the Mother of Russian Cities.
The next decade or so of Oleg’s reign was heavy with challenges. In each region he dispersed Varangian garrisons and established set tributes to be paid when the prince passed through. Near Kiev, Oleg subdued the strongest Slavic tribes, the Radimichi, Drevliane, and Severi, forbidding them to pay tribute to the Magyars or Khazars. He fought and beat the Magyars for dominion in the south and taught the many Slavic tribes to think of themselves as one people, one nation.
In 897 the Magyars fell prey to a new people coming out of the east, the Patzinak Turks, or Pechenegi. Defeated, the Magyars fled into Hungary, clearing the route to Byzantium. Oleg did not hesitate. In 904 he mustered the tribes and hired mercenaries, assembling a force in the Crimea of over 500 ships.
Oleg descended upon Constantinople. Denied access to the Bosporus channel by great defensive chains, he put in to shore and ordered his men to affix wheels to their ships. Thus equipped they sailed onward across the open lands until they were beneath the walls of the city. This time there was no heavenly salvation for the Byzantines, no Photius to call down God’s retribution on the pagans.
The defense wavered and at last the Emperor had to offer a massive ransom: gold and jewelry and silken fabrics, as well as an advantageous trade treaty. Before he departed, Oleg hung from the gates of the city his shield, symbol of peace. In 907 and 911 further treaties were agreed. Commerce was proving more lucrative than war, and rapidly increased.
Oleg died in 912, stung to death by a venomous serpent, and was succeeded by Igor, Rurik’s son, a proud, avaricious man. He had a lengthy but undistinguished reign. His one true success was against Constantinople. In 941 it took only the threat of an invasion to bring the Byzantines scurrying north with offers of treasure and another generous treaty.
In 944 Igor died while attempting to extort from the Drevlianians a third tribute in a matter of a few months. The patience of the tribesmen was at an end; they had suffered from greedy Varangians under Igor’s general Sveneld, and then Igor himself. A third visit was one too many
Olga and Sviatoslav: Church and Conquest
At the time of Igor’s death his only child, Sviatoslav, was an infant. However, Sviatoslav’s mother, Olga, was highly competent and secured the allegiance of the various tribes, groups of Varangians, and principal cities. She reformed the system of taxation, establishing a set rate of annual taxes collected by royal officers, thus reinforcing central authority. Her punishment of the Drevlianians was sharp, but not tyrannous; she executed their leaders, but did not drive the common people to rebellion.
Olga’s truly decisive step, however, was her conversion to Christianity. By this time there were churches throughout Russia for the benefit of visiting merchants and the many local converts. Olga could see the advantages of taking up the new religion. A pagan Russia could never enjoy the diplomatic strengths of a Christian nation; she would always be treated as inferior and threatening, and would be a target for missionary activities that would undermine royal authority.
At the same time, Olga could see the dangers. If she accepted the Christian faith she would have to acquire clergy from one of two sources: the Patriarch of Constantinople or the Pope of Rome. If she did this, then Russia’s church would be dependent on foreigners. Furthermore, the Pope was aligned with the Holy Roman Emperor, who claimed authority over all princes and kings in the western world, while the Patriarch was even more closely linked to the Byzantine Emperor. If Russia converted, the nation would be faced with demands to acknowledge the overlordship of one or the other great religious leader, and one or other of the great temporal lords. What was to be done?
Olga stalled. She played diplomatic games, asked for priests to be sent first from one side then from the other, and did her best to be accepted as Christian without submitting to an established Christian authority.
It was a losing game, the more so because her son, Sviatoslav, by now coming into his manhood, was a devout pagan. She was, after all, only his regent and could not force her nation into Christianity. In 962 Olga stepped aside for Sviatoslav, taking up her abode in Kiev and withdrawing from politics.
Sviatoslav’s reign was brief, and briefly glorious. He immediately began to unite the Eastern Slavs and humble all of Russia’s traditional enemies. His ambitions were imperial and his character austere, but his achievements were shallow and ultimately selfdestructive. In 963 he set out against the Khazars, razing their ancient citadel of Sarkel on the lower Don. In 964 he overwhelmed the Viatichian tribe, opening the way for a campaign against the Volga Bulgars, whose capital city, Great Bulgar, he stormed in 966.
In 967 he prepared a great move against Constantinople, but was persuaded by Byzantine gold to invade the Balkans and crush the Danubian Bulgars instead. When the Pechenegi seized this opportunity to besiege Kiev, Sviatoslav turned back into Russia and relieved the city.
Sviatoslav had every intention of returning to Bulgaria, which seemed to him the fairest and richest land in all his vast domains. Firstly, however, he resumed his attack on the Khazars, taking and razing their ancient capital, Itil.
In 971 Sviatoslav returned to Bulgaria only to find the Bulgarians and Byzantines united against him. He was forced into a humiliating surrender. As he made his slow way back to Kiev, the Pechenegi, who had conspired with the Byzantines, ambushed his army and slew him. The Pechenegi Khan, Kuria, had the prince’s skull made into a goldplated goblet from which he drank.
Sviatoslav left two legacies, both ruinous. First, when he had set forth for Bulgaria for the last time, he had left his three sons behind him, Iaropolk ruling in Kiev, Oleg in the Drevlianian territory, and Vladimir in Novgorod. According to ancient Slavic rules of inheritance, the brothers should have cooperated in ruling Russia jointly, but none of them had the temperament for cooperation, and civil war soon broke out. Second, his conquest of the Khazars proved ill-considered. Certainly they had been a thorn in the Russians’ side, but they had also been a bulwark against new tribes from the east. With the Khazars crushed, there was nothing to stop the Pechenegi and they moved into the southern Russian steppes in strength.
The Seeds of Division
War came to Russia immediately after Sviatoslav’s death. Conflict erupted between Iaropolk and Oleg. By moving swiftly, Iaropolk surprised Oleg, and slew his brother while Vladimir fled to Scandinavia.
Matters did not rest there. Iaropolk was a Christian and was stricken with remorse at Oleg’s death. Vladimir, meanwhile, gathered Varangian supporters and returned in force. Now religion entered into the picture. Vladimir was a pagan, and there were still strong pagan forces in Russia. Iaropolk was ready to negotiate with Vladimir and agreed to meet, but at the meeting he was betrayed by the pagans among his men and handed over to Vladimir, who promptly executed him.
Vladimir was now sole ruler of Russia and soon proved himself a capable one, cannily sending his dangerous Varangian followers out of the country, and then securing his position by reinstating official, wide-scale paganism. Statues of the Old Gods were set up on the hills around Kiev, embellished with gold and silver. From his campaigns against the Poles, Lithuanians, and Volga Bulgars he acquired prisoners who were offered as human sacrifices.
Vladimir, like Olga before him, could see the value of leading his nation to Christianity or one of the other great religions. His envoys traveled to Constantinople, Rome, and Baghdad, examining the rituals and worship of each religion, and brought back word from the great cathedral of Sancta Sophia in Byzantium that “We knew not whether we were on Earth or in Heaven” so impressive were the rites celebrated there.
Vladimir was willing to throw over his paganism for the sake of his nation, and wise enough to choose his moment with care. When the Byzantine Emperor was faced by a terrible revolt and turned to the Russians, Vladimir’s conditions were steep: control of the Crimea and marriage to a Byzantine Princess of the highest lineage. To clinch the bargain Vladimir would convert to Eastern Christianity.
The Emperor agreed and Vladimir’s troops saved his throne. In 988 Vladimir was baptized and married to Anna, the sister of Emperor Basil II. Now the old altars and statues were torn down and the Volkhvy chased off into the wilderness or slain. Mass baptisms were held in the rivers near Kiev and Novgorod, and bishoprics established at Vladimir-in-Volinia, Polotsk, Turov, Belgorod, Rostov, Novgorod, and Chernigov. The Russian church was organized as a diocese subordinate to the Patriarch of Constantinople, but with a Metropolitan Bishop as its titular head, with his cathedral in Kiev.
For his works on behalf of the church Vladimir was eventually canonized (1263), and is known to the people of the 13th century as Vladimir the Saint. He died in 1014, and on his death the problem of inheritance and seniority blew up far more seriously. He had been a pagan and polygamist for the first thirty years of his life, and had several sons.
War exploded immediately. Two of the princes, Gleb and Boris, refused to fight, were murdered, and were eventually canonized. One, Iziaslav, stayed neutral, leaving princes Iaroslav, Sviatopolk, and Mstislav as the main contenders.
The war lasted from 1014 to 1019. The Poles became involved when their king, Boleslaw the Brave, marched in to support Sviatopolk, his son-in-law. All the contenders called on the services of Varangian and Pechenegi mercenaries. Eventually, Iaroslav overcame Sviatopolk and turned against Mstislav, whom he proved unable to defeat. Russia had broken apart, with Iaroslav ruling from Novgorod, Mstislav ruling from Chernigov, and Iziaslav controlling the small border district of Polotsk.
From 1019 until 1036 the realm remained divided. By and large the two senior brothers ruled without friction, and when Mstislav died childless in 1036 Iaroslav swiftly absorbed the southern realm. Polotsk, however, despite another 18 years of rule, he never retook.
Iaroslav ruled until 1054, and is remembered as Iaroslav “the Wise.” He fought a variety of campaigns against northern tribes such as the Iatvigians, struggled with the Byzantines and Pechenegi, and allied with the Polish king Casimir (the Restorer). Alas, he had too many sons and the ablest of them, Vladimir, died before him. On Iaroslav’s death, the realm was divided again.
War began almost immediately when his grandson Rostislav seized the city of Galich. Rostislav was aided in this by a second young man, Vseslav of Polotsk.
Vseslav was something new in the royal House of Rurik. He was a Volkhv, and had a grisly reputation. He was born in a caul, and kept it with him always. He was a werewolf and a practitioner of dark arts and he meddled in the wars to ruinous effect.
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Byzantium was always the most active Christian missionaryforce among the Slavs. The great Patriarch Photius sent two eminent brothers, Constantine the Philosopher and Methodius to the north. Constantine, better known as Cyril, was a particularly outstanding thinker, preacher, and linguist, and translated the gospels into the Slavic tongue. To this end he had also composed a new alphabet, the “Cyrillic.” Constantine and Methodius were active throughout the 860s, first in Khazaria, then in Bulgaria and the Czech lands. They were successful among the Czechs, but soon ran into difficulties with the proud German bishops. The brothers took their cause to Rome, where the Pope was impressed by their missionary zeal. Constantine died in 869, apparently having been successful in winning the Pope’s approval for the crucial principle of allowing the Slavs to worship and read the Gospels in Slavic. Methodius struggled on against increasing difficulties at the Papal courts, and died with much of his work in ruins. They were swiftly canonized, however, and Saints Cyril and Methodius became the Patrons of the Slavic churches. Though the western Church won out in Czechoslovakia, they created a body of religious writings that were taken into Bulgaria and Russia. Thanks to them, “Church Slavonic” became the language of religion in Russia, and helped the Russians decide to turn to Eastern Orthodoxy. |
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The medieval Russians and Poles did not practice primogeniture. Instead, they followed an ancient Slavic law known as parallel inheritance, or (as the Poles came to call it) “the principle of the seniorate.” Among the ancient Slavs, any piece of land was held in common by a specific Zadrugya. Each Zadrugya would have a designated leader, commonly the eldest male. When that man died, his property passed in equal portions to his brothers first, and only later to his sons. Meanwhile, his authority would pass to his next oldest male relative, usually a brother. In a small rural community this system worked. It promoted solidarity, encouraging everyone to feel equally involved in controlling their land. It did not work with a nation. Princes are seldom content to share anything. Another very unfortunate consequence was short reigns. Because rulership often passed from brother to brother the age differences were small and reigns were short. There was little time for the consolidation of power. |
Russia Shattered
Russia now suffered a long and painful period of decay. Occasionally a single powerful figure would briefly reunify the realm, but inevitably upon his death his sons, brothers, nephews, and cousins would fall out anew. By law this should not have happened. Parallel inheritance stated that on a man’s death his next oldest male relative should ascend to the senior position, and that all the junior princes should shuffle up one step, each getting a new city: a new, more important district. With a single exception matters simply never proceeded this smoothly.
Furthermore, as the House of Rurik continued fighting among themselves, royal “subclans” began to form. A man’s sons would take his name as their “patronymic” (for example, the sons of Sviatoslav would be termed the Sviatoslavichi) and each little lan of princes gradually assumed the right to one particular part of the realm. For instance, the Olgavichi soon came to be almost exclusively associated with Chernigov. Eventually, each royal sub-clan came to consider itself sovereign in its own realm, with only a vague acknowledgment that one among their number was senior prince.
It was during this period that the Cuman nomads came to Russia from the east. They attacked and absorbed the Pechenegi and settled in the rich southern steppe lands, cutting the Russians off from the Black Sea and raiding continually and aggressively throughout the south and east of the country.
The Last True Unity
In 1113 peace seemed, at last, to return to the beleaguered land of Russia. At the time the most respected prince was Vladimir-Monomach of Pereyaslavl. When the current prince of Kiev died, the war-weary people of the city called on Vladimir to come and rule them. He declined. Parallel inheritance required that the throne of Kiev should not fall to him, but to a cousin. In Kiev his reluctance was unacceptable. The people rose in riot, attacking the homes of the clergy and rich boyars. In desperation these powerful men added their voices to those of the people: let Vladimir Monomach come to rule them!
This time Vladimir accepted, and restored order in Kiev. With the combined strength of Kiev and Pereyaslav he dominated first the south, and then the north of Russia. The petty squabbles of the princes were subdued and they acclaimed Vladimir as Grand Prince. When Vladimir died in 1125, a second stroke of luck became apparent; he had no surviving brothers. Control of the realm passed directly to his son, Mstislav the Great.
Mstislav reconquered independent Polotsk. His son Vsevolod invaded eastern Estonia, and his brother Iaropolk defeated the Cumans twice. But such times were not to last. Mstislav died in 1132, and his brother Iaropolk ascended the throne in Kiev. Iaropolk was a fine warrior, but could not enforce the obedience of his brothers and cousins. Trouble flared with the Olgavichi of Chernigov. The Cumans attacked and could not be subdued. When Iaropolk died in 1139 unity had crumbled.
The Century of Despair
For the next hundred years, from 1139-1237, Russia suffered many sharp moments of turmoil and short periods of uneasy peace. There were scores of minor wars, and several great ones. As time passed, certain trends emerged.
First, parallel inheritance proved no better at holding districts together than a nation. When a clan established an hereditary right to a district they swiftly fell prey to the disease of internal rivalry. Accordingly a system of sub-districts sprang up. Smaller and smaller divisions of the main districts were imposed to satisfy each princeling of his proper share. But Russia did not peel apart into hundreds of tiny baronies. Many princes died without leaving heirs. Many princes were cut out of their inheritances. Many small districts were absorbed by aggressive senior princes.
Second, Kiev was the prize for which the princes struggled most ferociously. After Mstislav the Great no prince sat on the throne of Kiev who could truly call himself Grand Prince, but even after the Suzdalians sacked the city in 1169 its prestige remained high.
Third, foreign intervention became commonplace. By now the Russian princes had marriage ties to all the central European monarchies as well as to the Cuman Khans, the Byzantines, and the Scandinavians. The princes became used to calling on their relatives for assistance, while interlopers seized what they could.
Fourth, very rarely did Russian princes die in battle. When rival forces came up against each other they were usually fighting over a fairly trivial issue. With one good look at who had the bigger army, confrontation gave way to reconciliation or flight. Church mediation helped prevent truly bloody battles and Russian princes generally exiled erring relatives.
Fifth, cities fell easily. Almost inevitably the people within the walls would split into factions and excitable crowds. It was quite simple to rouse a mob against a rival prince, for most princes had little more loyal following than the forces of their own personal retinue and armed retainers (their Druzhina).
Sixth, a last damaging factor, was the growth of the Boyar class. The Boyars were the middling nobility of Russia: men who held land and commanded followings. Some of them were descended from the princes of the original Slavic tribes and some from Varangian chieftains. Others were wealthy merchants who had taken up landholding or the mayors of small cities. The Boyars resisted princely rule because it inhibited their power to do as they pleased. Regardless, no Boyar ever managed to permanently take control of a principality. The Russian princes all remained descendants of the House of Rurik. The statement, “We are all children of one grandfather,” expressed their sense of fellow feeling, not that it affected their behavior.
Seventh, the Church was a strong moderating influence, constantly involved in diplomacy and mediation, sometimes managing to win mercy for defiant cities or errant princelings.
Russia: Early 13th Century
By the early 13th century Russia had been divided into several principalities, which are described in the following sections.
Novgorod
A city-state in its own right, Novgorod has expanded into a vast sweep of northern land, setting up small towns and a system of trading stations and outposts as far east as the Urals. Traditionally independent, with a rowdy democratic manner, Novgorod has always taken a prince from the House of Rurik. The city needs a prince to lead its armed forces, but its citizens have never tolerated dictators, and the current situation, where there is always someone who can be persuaded to come and oust their current ruler, usually plays into the hands of the city.
The City of Novgorod
Novgorod is split by the shallow river Volkhov: on the west is the “Sophia” side, on the east is the “market” side. The city is lowlying and moated, but the Volkhov is not a turbulent river and floods are rare. Fires are far more common and damaging.
There are five districts in the city: the Neverskij, the Plotnickij (carpenters and shipbuilders), the Zacorod (castle district/Boyars’ palaces), the Ljudin (home to the potters, smiths, and silversmiths), and the Slavno (the oldest and poorest district).
The most important area in the city is the Great Marketplace, where the Veche meets. The market contains the churches and halls of the Russian and foreign merchants, and the ancient palace of Iaroslav the Wise, nowadays the home of the Posadnik and meeting-place of the Sovet Gospod (see the insert on page 28). The palace is also the site of the Veche bell, which is rung to summon the freemen of the city. The Veche has little patience with unsatisfactory princes, and very often “showed them where to go.” The folk-hero of Novgorod is Sadko the Merchant, who was famous for his daring expeditions. The city is intensely involved in Baltic trade, and has a strong Hanseatic League community. Novgorod dominates the import of Flemish cloth, Luneburg salt, and English wool.
The Russian Orthodox ChurchGenerally, the Russian Church preached tolerance. Though there were Western churches in Russia, and many Jews, there was relatively little friction. The church strove to outlaw slavery, and to mediate the princely squabbles. They were also the scholars and teachers of Russia. However, this was scholarship from the Greek tradition, not the Latin. An educated churchman spoke and read Church Slavonic first, Greek second, and Latin a distant third. As it was Western, very little needs to be said about the Polish Church. Interested readers are referred to Mythic Europe and Pax Dei. The Russians, however, turned to the East, giving their church a distinctly different spirit and organization. One important difference was that their clergy were of two distinct sorts, the “white” and the “black” (though it is important to note that these distinctions were informal and not canonical designations). The White ClergyThe white clergy performed all of the parish duties and menial work. They were ordained as priests (usually elected by their congregations), as deacons, and as junior church officials. The white clergy were required to marry. The organization of parish churches in Russia was very weak. Few villages had a church and priest of their own. Instead they would be served by an itinerant priest, who was doing well if he managed one visit to each village once each year. The Black ClergyThe black clergy were monks. Each was attached either to a monastery (usually close to a city) or to a cathedral. They were celibate and automatically took precedence over the white. Only members of the black clergy became bishops. They followed the tradition of St. Theodosius, and the clearest statement of their credo was made by Abbot Feodosi of the Monastery of the Caves (near Kiev): “Prayer, humility, work, charity.” These were the key to a life of devotion. A very few monks did follow the alternate teachings of St. Anthony, which stressed seclusion, poverty, and mortification, but they were a small minority. The Metropolitan and the BishopsA Metropolitan was the leading bishop of any province subject to the Patriarch of Byzantium. The senior cleric in Russia was the Metropolitan Bishop of Kiev. It was the Metropolitan’s responsibility to circulate the doctrinal rulings issued by Byzantium. He created new sees, appointed junior bishops, and corrected or dismissed them. The Metropolitan (and Russia as a whole) never sent any kind of tithe back to Byzantium, and only seldom journeyed to Constantinople to attend Patriarchal synods. The Metropolitan was, however, chosen by the Patriarch. The Russian bishops would gather in conclave and select three candidates from among the black clergy, whose names would be forwarded to the Patriarch for final selection. The Metropolitans and the majority of senior black clergy were a almost always Greek rather than Russian. Metropolitans of the 13th Century:
The second-ranking bishop was the Archbishop of Novgorod. Then there were the “common” bishops. By the beginning of the 13th century there were sees in Belgorod, Chernigov, Galich, Peremyshl,Pereyaslavl, Polotsk, Rostov, Ryazan, Smolensk, Suzdal, Turov, Vladimir-inSuzdalia, Vladimir-in-Volinia and Tmutorokan. In 1261 the Metropolitan Kirill II will create a new see, at Sarai, the capital of the Mongol Golden Hoard. Canon LawThe clergy in general were subject only to the judgment of their bishops. However, legal conflicts between the church and lay people were always bought before a mixed court. SaintsSeveral saints have already been mentioned. They are listed here, along with several others who were popular, and their western equivalents. This list also indicates the pagan gods (in parentheses) who became confused with specific Christian saints. As an aside, it should be noted that this confusion of pagan gods and Christian saints can sometimes pose a problem for storyguides and troupes, since in Mythic Europe, Faerie and Divine auras are concretely different in terms of the way they affect magic. If this problem rears its head in your saga, the best bet is to talk it through as a group in order to come to a solution that respects your troupe’s conception of Mythic European cosmology and the particular circumstances in question. No single solution published here will have any hope of doing justice to the myriad instances in the plethora of sagas using this material. It wouldn’t hurt to remember that the perceptions of common people are often misguided, manipulated, and just plain mistaken.
The Position of WomenEve was the agency of Adam’s fall from grace. It therefore followed that she was the devil’s vessel and women were accordingly tainted. On the other hand the worship of Mary, the Mother of God, was elevated in the Eastern tradition. This tended to glorify woman as authors of salvation. These difficulties aside, there were many convents in Russia. Outside the royal houses they were practically the only venues within which women could win education. The Eastern Church and MagicThe priesthood in Russia has had a long and frustrating fight with stubborn pagan hold-outs and the Volkhvy. While officially tolerant of Islam and Judaism, they are altogether set against paganism of any kind. Their view of magic is heavily influenced by this, although unlike the Western Church, they have no tradition of inquisition. In game terms, Russian priests are capable of administering the sacraments and performing all other priestly functions mentioned in Pax Dei. They have Piety scores and occasionally True Faith. |
Suzdalia
Since Andrei Bogolubosky sacked Kiev in 1169, Suzdalia has generally been referred to as the Grand Principality, and is now the real power in the north. At the turn of the century the ruler was Vsevolod III (reigned 1172-1212) who gave the title “Grand Prince” some real meaning. Novgorod had elected only his sons to rule it for ten years, and the principalities of Pereyaslavl and Ryazan were under his control. The capital of Suzdalia is Vladimir-in-Suzdalia, and is now the third great city of Russia.
Vladimir The City
The city has four main divisions. The western segment is the New Town. The central segment is the Middle Town, also known as Monomach’s Town. The eastern segment is the Posad, a district of tradesmen and craftsmen. Set against the southern wall in the Middle Town is the heavily fortified stone Citadel.
Vladimir is distinguished by the amount of fine white stone used in its walls, buildings, and gates, and also by the bridge over the Lybed. It dazzles most newcomers with its many gilded domes and ornate church façades.
Ryazan
One of those small districts that split off from a larger one in the last century, it is generally loyal to the princes of Suzdalia. Even here there is a tendency to fragment. The city of Murom often struggled for independence.
Smolensk
When Vladimir Monomach died in 1125 Rostislav, and from then onward fell solely under the authority of the Rostislavichi. In general well-ruled, the region was held together and not allowed to fragment further.
Chernigov
By 1170 the local clan had taken on the patronymic of their ancestor Oleg (hence, “Olgavichi”). By the turn of the century there were two ruling lines and the land was partitioned. Ruling from Chernigov city itself was the senior prince, while the junior ruled from Novgorod-Seversk.
Polotsk
Polotsk had only three rulers in the entire 11th century: Iziaslav (1014-1036), Bryacheslav (1036-1044), and Vseslav (the Sorcerer, 1044-1101). Polotsk suffered terribly in the 12th century; Vseslav’s many sons virtually tore it apart. But in 1128 Mstislav the Great marched in and exterminated the line. Polotsk is reasonably solidly ruled at this time, but is already suffering from the Lithuanian raids which will eventually destroy it.
Volinia and Galicia
The westernmost of the Russian principalities. United from 1199 to 1205 by Roman of Volinia, these two districts suffered most intensely from Hungarian and Polish interference and invasion. After the death of Roman of Galicia, the two districts split apart again, and Galicia was most frequently the target of opportunistic local Boyars, Hungarians, and Polish adventurers. Damaged by the brief usurpation of Vladislav the Boyar in 1212, Galicia enters the 13th century in a turbulent, strife-torn state.
Kiev
Smaller, older, and more run down than robust Suzdalia, the southern border of the principality has become a fluid, shifting line due to constant nomad raids. Though Kiev’s defensive siting was good and its trade routes excellent, its power declined throughout the late 12th century.
Kiev The City
The city is split into four districts. The Old Town is the original, fortified position and is now the site of the prince’s palaces. The Gora is the aristocratic district, site of the Sancta Sophia cathedral and the Metropolitan Bishop’s court. The Foreign Quarter is an area set aside for foreigners, Poles, Hungarians, German merchants, and Jews. The Podol is the traders’ and craftsmens’ quarter, and holds the bulk of the population.
Outside Kiev is the Monastery of the Caves. This is the oldest and most influential monastery in Russia. The original catacombs, which the early monks dug out with their own hands, still exist, but have been replaced by a compound of fine churches and the great Dormition Cathedral.
Pereyaslavl
Pereyaslavl was the battleground where the nomads were fought. The principality was politically and militarily dependent on Kiev and ruled by the Monomashichi clan (the descendants of Vladimir Monomach) for most of the 12th century until the commanding figure of Vsesvolod III took control.
Pinsk-Turov
This little western principality never had dominated by the inhospitable Pripet Marsh. Its independence is continually forfeit to the attentions of the Kievans and the Volinians.much to build on, as most of its territory is dominated by the inhospitable Pripet Marsh. Its independence is continually forfeit to the attentions of the Kievans and the Volinians.
City GovernmentAny big city of Russia has three principle segments of government.
The degree of authority held by these people depended on how much power the local prince had. Novgorod had by far the strongest tradition of local autonomy and the people usually supported their own officers over the prince. Novgorod is in fact a special case. Aside from the above three organizations, it had a fourth one, the Sovet Gospod: the Council of Lords. This was composed of wealthy citizens and local Boyars. Together with the Posadnik and Tysiatsky, they formed an executive council, which tried to run the city in its own interest. |
Wars of the Early 13th Century
The Early Struggle for the South
In spring of the year 1200, Russia seemed, momentarily, at peace. In the north Vsevolod III was in command, and in the south the Olgavichi of Chernigov and the Rostislavichi of Smolensk held a truce. But war was bubbling under the surface, and it was soon to break out in the first stage of a lengthy and bitter struggle for Kiev.
There were three major factions competing for this prize: the Olgavichi, the Rostislavichi, and Roman of Volinia. Early in the summer, Roman of Volinia seized Galicia and then marched into Kiev. Kiev was held at the time by Ryurik of the Rostislavichi, Roman’s father-in-law. Vsevolod III, Grand Prince of Suzdalia, was Ryurik’s patron and ally (at least as long as Ryurik did not achieve any real dominance). As for the Olgavichi, they were too weak to stake a claim of their own, and allied themselves wherever they saw the most advantage.
Regardless of his initial possession of Kiev, Ryurik could not hold the city and fled to a minor east Kievan town, his allies dispersing. Roman put a puppet on the throne and returned to his western domains. The situation remained stable for about two years, then, in 1203, a major Cuman raid erupted over the southern principalities. Ryurik, with help from the Olgavichi clan, allied with the Cumans and seized Kiev. The sack was so severe that Ryurik dared not stay in the city for fear of its enraged (surviving) citizens. Not, at least, until he had once again secured Vsevolod III’s backing, and sealed a treaty with Roman and his Olgavichi allies.
For a while the south knew peace. The princes cooperated in 1204 in a successful raid on the Cumans, but disputes over booty broke the peace. Roman moved first, capturing Ryurik, his wife, and his daughter (Roman’s first wife, now divorced), and had them all forcibly tonsured, which technically made them members of the church’s holy orders and unable to hold power. Again, however, Vsevolod III intervened. He arranged the release of Ryurik’s captive sons and placed one of them, Rostislav, on the Kievan throne.
Blocked by the power of the Grand Prince, Roman turned his back on Russia. Gathering his armies he moved west in 1205, invading Poland. He was slain by Leszek of Krakow and his brother Conrad, at Zawichost.
Roman’s new wife, Anna (of Byzantium) fled with her young children to Volinia, while Galicia fell into the hands of scheming Boyars, greedy Hungarians, and the Olgavichi. In Kiev, however, the old conflict continued. War gradually built up between the Rostislavichi and the Olgavichi.
Vsevlold Chermnyy (“the Red”) of Chernigov, senior prince of the Olgavichi clan since 1204, made the first of many ruinous assaults on Kiev. This began a far worse period of warfare in the south. Ryurik and Vsevolod the Red chased each other in and out of the city repeatedly. The longest reign in this period was Ryurik’s last, from 1207-1210. He was finally ousted by a mixture of force and church diplomacy, and replaced by the triumphant Vsevolod the Red.
Vsevolod, however, did no better than Ryurik, and when the Rostislavichi princes made a major effort in 1212, both in Novgorod which they now held and in the south, he was defeated, and died soon afterwards. Novgorod had been seized in 1208 by Mstislav Mstislavich, “the Daring.” His rule in the city lasted over ten years, and was generally very successful. Vsevolod III could not dislodge Mstislav, and eventually acknowledged that Novgorod had temporarily been lost to his family.
In Kiev the Rostislavichi were thorough, and this time genuinely successful in their campaign. The Olgavichi were driven out of their towns and confined to Chernigov territory. For the next twenty-three years the Rostislavichi held Kiev, and there was no-one strong enough to dispute their possession, for in 1212 Vsevolod III of Suzdalia also died.
War In The North
When Vsevolod died his sons (Konstantin, Yury, Yaroslav, Vladimir, and Sviatoslav) immediately began to battle. The principle fight was between Konstantin and Yury, while their younger brothers scrabbled on the fringes. For four years there was inconclusive squabbling, diplomacy, pursuit, alarms, and intrigue, but no major, armed clash.
In 1216 the conclusive battle occurred. Konstantin had allied with the Rostislavichi and Novgorodians; Yury had allied with his brother Yaroslav, the men of the city of Murom, and a steppe tribe known as the Brodniki. The victory went to Konstantin, and was complete. His brothers were exiled to distant, insignificant towns. Yury, however, did not have to wait long for his revenge. Konstantin died in 1218, and Yury immediately became Grand Prince.
This was the beginning of a successful period for Suzdalia. In 1219 Mstislav the Daring left Novgorod to rule Galicia. His successors were not successful in governing the difficult Boyar factions. In 1221 the Novgorodians kicked them out and appealed to Yury for a prince, who sent them his brother Yaroslav.
This set off a new round of northern war. Contending for the throne of Novgorod were Mikhail of Chernigov and Yaroslav. Both princes and their sons chased each other in and out of the city, whipping up unstable support among the Boyars and citizens. The matter was not conclusively settled until 1230, when Yaroslav permanently exiled the supporters of his rival. Novgorod, at last, had a stable princely family to rule it; Yaroslav and his sons remained rulers of Novgorod for the rest of the century, even if their grip was not always firm.
Kalka
In 1223, a relatively peaceful year for Russia, something happened to break the Russian’s obsession with their internal feuds. A sudden scream of alarm was heard from the south-east. The Cuman Khan, Khotian, appeared in rags at the court of his son-in-law, Mstislav the Daring, ruler of Galicia. His people, he claimed, had been devastated by a new force from the east, a tribe of deadly warriors calling themselves Mongols. Mstislav was sufficiently impressed to rally his cousins, even the sulking Olgavichi, to a grand alliance.
The principle allies included another great prince of the Rostislavichi, Mstislav of Kiev, and the ruler of Chernigov, the Olgavichi prince Mstislav Sviatoslavichi. Only Suzdalia and Novgorod were not represented; Grand Prince Yury cared little for squabbles far away on the steppe. Nonetheless a great army, some 60,000 strong, drew up on the far southern reaches of the Dnieper river, together with nearly 20,000 Cumans. They set off into the steppe with confidence, heading east toward a small river that ran down into the sea of Azov, the Kalka.
Though they did not know it, the Russian princes were facing the first Mongol reconnaissance into Europe. Their enemy as they marched eastward was Genghis Khan’s brilliant general, Subatei Bahadur. He had devastated the Cumans over the preceding few months, and was now intent on learning the capabilities of the Russians, who had considerable problems.
There was no clear leader in the Russian army, and no clear object. They were chasing a large nomad force steadily east, and felt confident that it was already beaten. But their efforts to bring the nomads to battle consistently failed, and the three great princes allowed their army to straggle out into a long, loose, winding column. After nine days of this pursuit the army approached the Kalka. The Cumans were in the lead.
Abruptly, the Cumans came stampeding back among the Russian ranks, screaming and bleeding. Arrows began to fall in the foremost Russian contingent. They milled in confusion, their ranks disordered by the fleeing Cumans. Suddenly, from out of the dust, a raging hoard of lancers swept down on them.
The full might of the nomad army fell on the small portion of troops at the head of the column, driving them back on the unit behind. In this fashion the Mongols broke each unit in turn, never allowing their enemies time to regroup. The Mongols hunted the Russians back across the steppe to the banks of the Dnieper. Here the first troops to arrive, lead by Mstislav the Daring, burnt the boat bridge behind them, stranding over 10,000 men on the wrong side of the river. Lead by Mstislav, prince of Kiev, the Russians held out valiantly for 3 days before succumbing to their foes.
Mstislav of Kiev and Mstislav of Chernigov both died at Kalka, as did seven other princes and of all their proud army not one man in eight returned to his home.
But there was no invasion. The Mongols were not in Russia for conquest — this time. Subatei had learned what he needed to know, that the Russians were weak. Now, urgent messages were summoning him to attend upon his master. Russia could wait.
The Russian princes ignored Kalka. They had lost men, kin, and prestige, but since they had lost no territory it was easiest just to pretend nothing had happened.
The Last Southern War Begins
In the 1220s the South knew a general peace, marred only by the steady rise to power in Volinia and Galicia of Daniil, son of Roman. Daniil was ultimately successful in reuniting the two principalities, and for a while showed himself a steady ruler. But in 1235, seemingly for no reason at all, a general war broke out. The Rostislavichi and Olgavichi renewed their old feud over Kiev. Yaroslav of Novgorod marched down to struggle against Daniil of Volinia. Seven times Kiev was seized, sometimes by trickery, sometimes by force, and madly battling bands of warriors swept to and fro across Kiev, Chernigov, and Galicia.
It was futile, bloody, and ruinous. While the southern princes fought the north was crumbling under the Mongol onslaught (see Chapter 6 for a full discussion). For now it suffices to say that Daniil did finally secure Kiev, in 1240, less than six months before th Mongols swept down and obliterated the city.
Poland
The origins of Poland are shrouded in mystery. Tribal leaders rose and fell for hundreds of years, leaving legends rather than histories: Krak, who founded Krakow; Wistaw, the prince of the Vistulans; and Piast, who founded the ruling dynasty.
Poland was more secluded than Russia, with poorer natural river routes and fewer people. The Varangians had no reason to enter it, the Germans had not yet penetrated so far, and the surrounding Slavic tribes sheltered the region.
Mieszko
Around 960 AD a man named Mieszko, of the House of Piast, arose. He had united the Kujavians, Mazovians, Vistulans, and some of the Pomeranians into the “Polska” federation.
Now the Poles came under pressure from the East Saxons. Mieszko was pressed particularly hard by Margrave Gero, a vassal of Emperor Otto I, and eventually had to petition Otto himself to arbitrate the quarrel.
Having reached peace with the Empire, Mieszko perceived the necessity of conversion to Christianity. He saw the dangers in this situation, but unlike the Russians he was in real danger of having ecclesiastical and political control forced on him by the Germans.
Mieszko turned to another Slavic people who were already Christian. Around 966 he married the Czech princess Dubrawka who helped lead his people to Christianity. Now, allied to the Bohemians, Poland proved powerful enough to defeat the Germans. By 973 Mieszko had been so successful that the Emperor felt compelled to step in and take Mieszko’s son Boleslaw as a hostage. Nonetheless Mieszko held the upper hand, for when Otto I died, his son Otto II tried and failed to subdue Poland.
Having beaten the Empire, Mieszko remarried, this time to a German noblewoman. This caused a rupture with his Czech allies and a new war, to the satisfaction of the Germans. They considered that if the Slavs were Christians it was right that they should immediately tender homage to the “appropriate” authorities. The last thing the Germans wanted was a strong, unified Slavic state to the east.
Nonetheless, Mieszko’s reign continued with a series of successes, against the Pomeranians and Luticians, the Germans, and the Czechs. When he died in 992 he passed on a vigorous realm to his sons. Unfortunately, having more than one son was a problem. A war began as soon as he was dead, victory going swiftly to Boleslaw the Brave.
Boleslaw the Brave: Empire Builder
Boleslaw was a vigorous ruler, dedicated to missionary activities. He enjoyed the strong support of Bishop Adalbert and Emperor Otto III. Boleslaw organized a national church, with an Archbishopric at the first Polish capital, Gniezno, and sees at Krakow, Wroclaw, and Kolberg.
Boleslaw was also busy on the battlefield, invading Bohemia in 1003. From 1004 to 1018 he fought the Germans for control of Mazovia and Silesia. The new German Emperor (Henry II) permitted Boleslaw to keep the territories he had gained, but only as German fiefs.
He invaded Russia on behalf of his sonin-law Sviatopolk in 1018, placing him on the throne of Kiev and securing control of the border region.
In 1024 he persuaded the Pope and the Emperor to grant him a crown, acknowledging Poland’s sovereign status. When he died, in 1025, it was as undisputed King. Unfortunately he had seized territory from every single one of his neighbors, and he had too many sons.
Anarchy and Restoration
Boleslaw had attempted before his death to designate one of his sons, Mieszko, as sole successor. Mieszko did take the throne, but by 1028 was facing internal revolt and external invasion. In 1034 he was assassinated and for five years Poland was in turmoil. Invasion aside, hidden pagan forces rose up in terrible revolt. Eventually the last of Boleslaw’s sons, Casimir the Restorer, returned with German assistance and reunified the core of Poland, quelling his pagan subjects.
Boleslaw the Bold and Wladislaw the Feckless
Casimir died in 1058, and left his realm divided along Russian lines, with each prince allowed a district to rule as his own, but all of them owing allegiance to one senior prince, Boleslaw Smialy (the Bold). Brave, even reckless, Boleslaw took advantage of the severe problems of the German Emperor, Henry IV, whom Pope Gregory VII had excommunicated. Boleslaw subdued his brothers, campaigned in Bohemia and Saxony, and persuaded Pope Gregory to sanction a new crown for Poland as well as elevating the Krakow see to an Archbishopric, making Krakow the new capital of Poland.
In 1079, however, Boleslaw fell into a dispute with Archbishop Stanislas. The Archbishop was accused of treason, tried, and executed. A revolt promptly erupted and Boleslaw fled to Hungary. Shortly thereafter he was assassinated and his brother Wladislaw Herman ascended the throne.
Wladislaw was a weak, indecisive, capricious king. He was manipulated by his wife and by the Palatine Count Siechiech. He ruled from 1079-1104 and was almost continually troubled by revolts. Against Wladislaw were ranged the great nobles of the realm, striving for independence both from a monarch’s power and the hated Siechiech, as well as his own sons Zbigniew and Boleslaw.
When Wladislaw died in 1104 Zbigniew and Boleslaw realized that they could not live or rule together, and immediate hostilities broke out. The war lasted two years, but eventually saw Boleslaw triumph.
Boleslaw Wrymouth
Boleslaw III (“Wrymouth”), having overcome his brother and the usual troubles with the German Emperor, was ready by 1113 to begin the great work of his reign, the conquest of the Pomeranians. By long, hard campaigning and vigorous conversion efforts, Boleslaw brought most of the Pomeranians under Polish control, opening Poland to the Baltic.
However, by dint of bribery and coercion at the Papal Court, the Germans managed to split Boleslaw’s new province in two. The western half was named Szczecin Pomerania, and placed under German authority, with only the eastern portion (Gdansk Pomerania) remaining Polish. At the same time, the Germans began to bring in colonists from their western lands, a migration that would continue for hundreds of years.
Boleslaw died in 1138, and, like his grandfather before him, his death proved the end of unity for Poland.
The Seniorate System of Rule
Boleslaw III had tried to foresee and prevent disunity. He established a whole new structure of inheritance and authority, the “Seniorate” system.
Poland was split into five provinces: The Seniorate Province (Krakow, Opole, Sieradz, Gniezno and southern Great Poland), Mazovia and Kujavia, Silesia, Sandomierz territory, and Wielpolska (northern Great Poland). Four of his sons would each receive a single province, and the eldest would also receive the Seniorate province which was to be the property of the senior prince always, and never divided.
This was the beginning of a break-up as tangled and damaging as the Russian one. War began in 1145 and lead to the senior prince fleeing the country. Even German intervention could no longer elevate a prince to secure rule, and the second half of the century saw the royal house grow ever larger and the districts steadily smaller and more fragmented.
Poland in the Early 13th Century
The two great trends of this century were faction fighting amidst the princes and the steadily increasing influence of German philosophy, craft techniques, scholarship, and colonization. Polish princes continually turned to German advisors, scholars, tutors, clergy, and settlers, and reaped the benefits in more efficient administration, technology, and agriculture. Furthermore, the Jews were coming into Poland in increasing numbers, and made their own contribution to rising Polish population, scholarship, and sophistication.
Four Princely Dukes
By now the idea of Poland as a kingdom, with a single sovereign king, had become seriously tarnished. Whoever held Krakow could generally have himself crowned, and assume the hollow title of “Grand Duke,” or, later in the century, “King.”
When the century began there were four great lords. Each was a Prince of the House of Piast, and they styled themselves Dukes. Leszek the White of Sandomierz ruled in Krakow as Grand Duke. Henry the Bearded ruled Silesia from Wroclaw. Conrad of Mazovia, Leszek’s brother, ruled in Mazovia/Kujavia, and Wladislaw Spindleshanks ruled in Great Poland.
Leszek the White
Leszek the White seized Krakow after the death of Miesko the Old in 1202. He was an able ruler, who sponsored considerable settlement around Lublin. For much of the early part of the century he sparred on the battlefield with Henry the Bearded. Politically however, he looked mostly east. After defeating Prince Roman’s invasion in 1205, Leszek was drawn firstly into intrigue on his southeastern border, then into outright invasion of Volinia (1214 to 1218). He could not, however, hold back Roman’s son Daniil, who successfully pushed out the Poles in 1218. Leszek also failed to prevent the establishment of an independent Pomeranian principality. A native prince, Swietopelk, established a small state there, which he ruled from 1220-1266. Swietopelk bowed to no-one and crusaded aggressively against his pagan neighbors, winning Papal support. In 1227 Leszek took the field, vowing to topple his rebellious vassal.
The campaign was not successful, and Leszek was killed during the withdrawal.
Conrad Of Mazovia
In Mazovia, prince Conrad (who reigned until 1243) was bedeviled by Prussian and Jadzwing raids. He turned to the crusading orders for help, and in the early 1220’s invited Herman von Salza, Grand Master of the Order of Teutonic Knights, to enter the Prussian districts on Crusade. Conrad sweetened the deal with an offer of land near Chelmno.
Von Salza wanted more than the right to go on Crusade. He obtained grants from both Emperor Frederick II and Pope Gregory IX, allowing him to set up a permanent, independent establishment in the conquered territories. When the Crusade finally went forward (from 1230) von Salza acted with full Polish and Pomeranian support, but all the gains made were on behalf of his Order. By 1245 the Teutonics had established Bishoprics in Kulm, Pomerania, Warmia, and Swabia. They followed up outright conquest by construction of strategic citadels and encouraged German settlement.
Wladislaw Spindleshanks
Wladislaw Spindleshanks lost territory steadily to Henry the Bearded, and his only real success came after Leszek the White died. Leszek’s son was a child, and Krakow fell under the authority of a dozen local lords, who eventually elected Wladislaw. Unfortunately, he found Krakow hard to dominate, the lesser lords paid him little heed, and eventually his resistance to the increasing pressure of Henry the Bearded failed. In 1231 he quit the capital.
Henry the Bearded
Everything that has so far been said about the 13th century must be judged against the gradual advances and expansion of Henry the Bearded, who succeeded to the rule of Silesia in 1201. Using German aides and scholars intensively, he developed his lands and reaped the benefits in steadily improving manpower and resources. In 1205 he set out to bring 10,000 peasant families in to settle 400 new villages. These villages were exempted from all taxation and obligations during a start-up period of several years. Later, they would owe rent, tithes, and military service, and some very minor labor dues. The new villages throve, and provided increased military power. Henry’s wars reached a peak around 1215-1225, when he gained provinces in Great Poland and Upper Silesia. In addition Henry took Lubusz from the Germans.
Henry never managed to overwhelm Leszek the White, but Wladislaw Spindleshanks offered an easier target. After 1227 Henry increased his influence in Sandomierz, boxing Krakow in. Wladislaw bowed to the inevitable and withdrew. Henry assumed the regency for Leszek’s young son, and at the same time became guardian for several other minor lords in Great Poland. This gave him such power that the local lords formally ceded half the province to him in 1234, and the crucial city of Gniezno. The moment was ripe to step up from the title of Grand Duke and seek a crown.
Diplomacy was begun (since the matter had to be approved by both Pope and Emperor), but Henry was elderly and his health failed. Henry died in 1238. Though his will allowed much territory in Great Poland to go back to its rightful lords, he passed onto his son nearly twice the land that he himself had inherited, including Krakow. His sole heir was the very able Henry the Pious, and the new Grand Duke had every reason to believe he could reunite Poland.
It was not to be. Even as Henry the Bearded was negotiating with the Pope, the Mongols were hammering Russia to pieces. Henry the Pious was to have just three years of rule before the bloody field of Leignitz smashed his realm and ended his life.
German InfluenceGerman ideas about a natural dominion in the Slavic lands were pure arrogance, but their estimation of Polish backwardness in many vital areas came closer to reality. Engineering The Poles were ready to move away from wood as their principal building material. Castles and town fortifications were improving rapidly. Improved building, mining, and drainage techniques came into Poland via Germany. Law German law and scholarship had been heavily influenced by Christianity and the Roman tradition. Concepts of contracts, writs, and legal forms were all useful to the Polish princes in bringing a more sophisticated level of organization to their territories. Furthermore, the Germans had great success founding new towns and villages by offering settlers very generous, liberal charters (this was sometimes known as Magdeburg Law, or locatio civitatis). Magdeburg Law accelerated the incorporation of cities and extension of city rights, such as the establishment of the guild system and local law courts. Agriculture The Germans had perfected the three field system. One third of the land was allocated to winter crops, one third to spring crops, and the last third left fallow or used as grazing pasture for cattle. This was distinct from the traditional two field system (half fallow, half sowed with crops). |
The Great Church Reform
It fell to Wladislaw Spindleshanks and Henry the Bearded, among their other troubles, to deal with a general church reform. The Archbishop of Gniezno was Henry Kietlicz (1199-1219), an able man who wanted to see the church achieve real independence so as to further its humanitarian and spiritual work. He campaigned vigorously for the following principles:
- The right of church communities to elect their bishops
- Only proper priests and monks to be invested as bishops
- Abolition of private churches
- Immunity to taxation on church lands
- Authority over all people on church lands for the bishops
- Independence of the clergy from ducal courts
The princes did not wish to give up so much authority. Faced by resistance and intimidation, Kietlicz shuffled off into exile. However, the Pope supported him. The Polish princes were excommunicated, and eventually forced to capitulate.
By 1211 the principle of ecclesiastical election was won. The other reforms took longer; the lesser lords strenuously resisted any attempts to deprive them of rights in “their” churches. Eventually the Church triumphed. Two synods were held (and Sieradz in 1233 and Breslau in 1248) at which the lords conceded on all points.
Three Polish Cities in 1220
Gniezno
The Old Capital of Poland, and site of its first Archbishopric, is situated in a low, rather marshy valley. Gniezno has not had the benefit of incorporation under German law, and the city’s organization and enlargement have been haphazard. Gniezno has been left behind by more recent developments in Poland. No king has ruled from this city in over a hundred and fifty years, and it is hemmed in by the surrounding hills.
Krakow
The Capital of Poland is a modest city with new stone walls set in the midst of a rather marshy patch of land. The city is dominated by the Wawel Mount on which Wawel castle, seat of the kings of Poland, rests. Growth is constant and rapid. Outside the city walls the suburb of Okol has almost filled the space out to the moat; it will be enclosed by the wall in 1280. Further out, Stradom, the village which services the daily needs of Wawel castle, is also growing, and will become a proper suburb by the end of the century. German law and a more generous charter granted early in the 13th century is a principle force behind this growth.
Wroclaw
The furthest west of the major Polish cities, Wroclaw has often felt the unkind attentions of Bohemian and German lords, and is the key to control of Silesia. Like Krakow, Wroclaw experiences great growth in the 13th century and by 1300 it will be pressing against the banks of the Olawa.
Wroclaw is the most favored of Polish cities from 1200 to 1240, enjoying the firm rules of Henry the Bearded and Henry the Pious.
The Teutonic Knights
Throughout the 13th century one of the grand tragic endeavors of Christendom was played out on the shores of the Baltic. From Pomerania to the Gulf of Finland, knights, priests, nobles, pagan kings, and Russian princes fought for land, wealth, power, and most importantly, their gods. This was the Baltic Crusade. At the forefront of the battle,dominating the field, were the Church’s own holy warriors, the Teutonic Knights.
History
There were, in fact, three militant orders on the Baltic coast. Two of them were minor groups, the Brotherhood of the Knights of the Sword (based at Riga) and the Knights of Drobzyn (near Polish Pomerania). They were answerable to local Bishops, did not have strong internal organization, and lacked international support, but were actively campaigning in Prussia and Livonia from around 1200. The third group was different. These were the Teutonic Knights. They were founded in Palestine, around 1190, as hospital monks. Shortly, however, they took up the sword and served in Palestine, Armenia, and Spain. Their headquarters were in castle Montfort, near Acre.
As previously mentioned, Herman von Salza gained very favorable terms for his Prussian Crusade. Prince Conrad of Mazovia gave the Order the castle of Chelmno and let them loose to subdue the Prussians. He did not live long enough to see that he’d given growing room to a hostile independent power
The Crusading Ideal
The Teutonics recognized that man had a duty to fight Satan, both within himself and in the world at large. They were inspired by the works of Bernard of Clairvaux, the great Cistercian Abbot, among others. In 1120, Bernard wrote De Laude Novae Militiae, justifying the missions of the first military orders. These men were technically monks; they had formally renounced the world and taken lifelong vows of poverty, humility, chastity, and obedience. Yet these were monks who arrayed themselves as knights and rode out to smite infidels.
As Bernard explained, Satan was always tempting man to evil. Only the monk, formally bound by a rigid rule of obedience and purity, could be safe. Furthermore, Satan assailed good Christian folk through his tools, the pagans, infidels, heretics, and diabolists. When a Saracen died, as was well known, an occupying demonic force could be seen fleeing the body like a noisome cloud of flies. These forces must be fought. It was thus laudable that holy monks take up arms to war against the foes of Christendom. But was it acceptable to drive unbelievers to baptism by force? Absolutely. Baptism of pagans was, in fact, exorcism. If preaching missions failed then the evil influences must be driven out by force! Consequently it was perfectly proper to wage war in order to force conversion. Moreover, it was spiritually praiseworthy. Crusaders received remission of sins and absolution, and the act as a whole was sanctified.
For the militant orders this meant that even the bloodiest acts could not touch them. They existed in a state of grace, and all their acts were holy ones.
Advantages
How did the militant orders achieve their successes (which were notable), with such relatively small numbers of soldiers?
Permanence
Normal crusaders were accustomed to taking the cross for a limited period of time. They might win brief successes, but there was always the problem of holding conquered lands and controlling subject peoples. The militant orders solved this problem because they stayed put. They built castles, roads, and strongholds and settled in to police and evan elize their new vassals.
Discipline
Poverty, Humility, Chastity, and Obedience — the militant orders were not troubled by command disputes. Each monk had sworn a lifelong vow of obedience, and at least upon the battlefield this vow never failed them.
Recruitment and Manpower
The Orders recruited widely, but carefully. They were popular, and could choose the best. Men were selected for proven battle skills, administrative ability, and piety. Should they suffer a major defeat there were always more men eager to join.
Systematic Training
The Orders lead communal lives; they were in constant training, and near constant battle. Their opportunities to form genuinely solid, effective battle groups were much bet ter than usual.
Resources
By 1200 changes were taking place in the crusading movement as a whole. Previously nobles who took the cross were obliged to crusade within a certain time limit. More and more, however, nobles were making crusading vows and then finding reasons to stay at home. Gradually, nobles were permitted to find substitutes, whom they would outfit and fund, to fulfill their vows. Over time, it became acceptable simply to pay money. Since the nobles received remission of sins for their crusading vows, there were some in the church who muttered that this was tanta mount to selling absolution. Still, if one wanted to make a contribution to the crusading effort and the church then the best way was to sponsor one of the crusading orders.
Aside from money, nobles also gave land. By 1220 the Teutonic Order had estates in Palestine, Armenia, Greece, Spain, France, and Germany. Though individual brothers were sworn to poverty (a member could not own the sword he swung nor the horse he rode) the Masters of the order lived lives rich in pageantry, and the order commanded great resources.
Ecclesiastical Support
The major orders were answerable only to the Pope. For over a century, Papal bulls, legates, and lawcourts consistently found for the militant orders against various royal, noble, and clerical opponents. They were also supported by the Cistercians and Dominicans.
A Wrathful God
Throughout the militant orders’ domains the Divine aura was almost constantly Wrathful in Temper. Whenever theTeutonics rode to battle they would invoke the ferocious Righteous Aura of God’s Knights (see Pax Dei, pages 24-27). Since they were monks and their officers held appropriate ecclesiastical rank, they were perfectly capable of raising a Righteous crusading aura by themselves. Their piety was such that even on campaign they would maintain a regular roster of daily prayers, and consecrated mobile alters were carried with them to serve as chapels.
Organization
At the head of the order was the Grand Master. He spent the bulk of his time at the Papal court, deflecting complaints and ensuring that support did not waver. Just under the Grand Master was the Grand Commander. He was the active leader of the order, administering its affairs from castle Montfort. Helping the Grand Commander were four special officers. The Marshal (responsible for military matters), the Hospitaller (for healing and charitable works), the Treasurer (for finances), and the Trapier (who was basically a quartermaster).
In the various provinces and battle fronts were the knight commanders. Each of these usually controlled one castle or parish. For a major region, such as Prussia, there was a senior knight commander who was referred to as the Master of the province.
Then there were the actual knights, numbering perhaps one thousand in total, spread widely throughout Europe on the crusading fronts and the order’s estates. These men were known as knight brothers, and were the group from which higher officials were elected.
Assisting the knight brothers were priest brothers, who had no military duties, but who accompanied the knights to perform conversions and to serve parishes. The priest brothers were assisted in turn by half brothers and half sisters, who did the menial work of charity, education, preaching, and healing. Some of them were named advocates and given jobs as magistrates and tax-collectors.
At the very bottom of the pile were the men-at-arms, the sergeants. The Teutonics seldom put more than one or two hundred knights into the field of battle but the sergeants typically numbered between ten and twenty times as many. The sergeants were usually of common birth, and did not take monastic vows. They were, however, tied to the order for life, and were obedient, brave, well-trained, and well-armed.
This was hardly a typical organizational structure for feudal Europe, nor was the Teutonic method of choosing senior officers. Once a year, or when needed in emergencies, the knight commanders would meet in the General Chapter, in Venice (which became the order’s headquarters after the Holy Land was lost in 1291). Here new seniors were elected in a free vote. The order was notable for its steady run of competent, energetic officers.
The Baltic Pagans
Who were the enemies of the Teutonic Knights? The map on the inside cover shows the major Baltic tribes at this time: the Prussians, Lithuanians, Samogithians, Curs, Selonians, Semgallians, Livonians, Letts, and Estonians, with many smaller clans.
Each of the major tribal groups had its own language, with modest similarities. They lived at an advanced iron-age level, with little building in stone, and primitive agriculture. Their lands tended to be boggy or heavily forested, and bleakly cold in winter. The cold weather was not altogether a disadvantage. Winter was the ideal time for trade and raiding, as the rivers, marshes, and bogs froze. Herding and raiding were these tribes’ favorite activities. They spent much of their time lurking in ambush and feuding with their neighbors.
Politically, at the opening of the century, there were no large solid groupings. Around 1200-1220 the crusaders generally encountered small clans lead by local chieftains. As pressure from the crusaders increased, this changed. Each of the tribes tried, at one point or another, to unite with others against invaders. By 1240 or so they were producing princes and even kings — some of whom ultimately allied with the crusaders. Most, however, resisted, and with one exception, Lithuania, were swept away.
Religiously, the Baltic tribes were broadly similar to the Slavs. They worshipped many gods representing heavenly bodies and natural forces. They also held a near universal belief in spirits; Lithuanian spirit masters are one example of local wise men following this tradition. Otherwise they were served by priests, usually known as Vurschayten.
The Baltic pagans were particularly devoted to snakes, which were viewed as divine messengers and guardian spirits. House snakes known as Zaltys were kept in many homes, and usually given an honored places near the hearth
The Livonian Crusade
The Church had been rather unsuccessful in Livonia, among the tribes of the Livs, Letts, and Estonians, since around 1188. The local people would accept baptism only if it came with a promise of protection. Should that protection fail they reverted to paganism. The first Livonian Bishop, Berthold of Uexkull, profoundly displeased by this sort of behavior, preached a crusade. The Livs were duly defeated in a pitched battle in 1198 (during which Bishop Berthold died). The crusaders baptized the surviving natives, built a few wooden stockades, manned them with small garrisons, and sailed away. The Livonians came out of the woods, washed themselves in the river Dvina, and slaughtered the garrisons.
Bishop Albert and the Knights of the Sword
The new Bishop of Livonia was Albert Buxtehude, an ambitious, intolerant man who had at least the vision to see that new methods were necessary. In 1200 Albert set up a new bishopric in Riga and invited crusaders to take up permanent residence. The newly formed order was called the Brotherhood of the Knights of the Sword — Fratres Christi Militi. They lived under weak monastic rules, were supposed to obey and support their Bishop, to crusade and garrison as he required, and to pay for it all. This last point was a sore one. The order was generally given about one third of all land seized. The rest went to the Bishop or to the noble vassals he appointed (mostly members of his family). Throughout the first ten years of the crusaders’ grumbling was constant. The Knights needed money for weapons, horses, food, and armor.
The last thing Bishop Albert wanted was trouble with his armed minions. He was busy setting up new bishoprics in Ratzeburg and Estonia and trying to convince the Pope that the northern crusade was proceeding well. What Bishop Albert most wanted — what he schemed for all his life — was to be made Archbishop of a unified North Baltic See.
Arguments over money got worse, and there were complaints from the newly baptized pagans that the Knights were committing acts of rape, murder, and robbery. This was a problem because the formal mission of the church was to bring enlightenment to the pagans and better their lot. The Pope would not tolerate that the lives men lived under Christ should be worse than the ones they had lived under the Serpent!
Bishop Albert did his best. He tried to make conversions by peaceful means like mystery plays and preaching, but the Knights would not be restrained. In 1211 a large force set out to attack the pagan town of Fellin, capturing a group of Estonians along the way. When the town defied the first assault, the Knights threatened to kill their captives, and when the town persisted, the Knights cut the throats of their helpless victims and threw their bodies in the moat.
The Bishop did not blink at this. Pagans who would not come willingly unto the church were self-evidently tools of Satan. Fellin had been a success, for after five hard fought days the town surrendered and the inhabitants were first catechized and then baptized.
The crusade continued in this fashion for eighteen reasonably “successful” years. By 1219, the borders of Livonia had been greatly expanded. Then, however, there came a major intervention.
The Danish Campaign
In 1219 the Danes, under their king, Waldemar II, mounted a large expedition. The Danish King had a very large fleet with which he could blockade the Baltic coast, bring traders to support the crusading effort, and force the German merchants throughout the region to support Danish garrisons. Waldemar conquered northern Estonia in just two years. He established the citadel at Reval, set up a Bishopric at Leal, and demanded the fealty of all local Christian forces.
Bishop Albert had recently finished establishing a Bishopric in Semgallia, and was far from pleased at this development. He was even less pleased by the Knights’ reaction. The Knights considered that the King of Denmark might be a better master than the Bishop of Riga. The Danish conquests meant they could no longer advance to the north, and that meant the ready supply of booty was drying up. Perhaps the King would give them more land? Another group that entered the struggle for power were the Burghers of Riga, which was by that time a considerable town. There were also German nobles in the hinterland, offering fealty for the best terms they could get.
In the midst of this confusion, the Estonian rebellion of 1223 erupted. In a series of sudden revolts, the Estonians burned the Knights out of many of their strongholds. The Russians were also sniping at the eastern borders of Livonia, and there were raids by unsubdued pagans from the isle of Oesel.
By last minute diplomacy the Bishop and the Danish King settled their differences. The King got a formal pledge of fealty, but no right to levy taxes or raise armies. The Knights held on to their central positions, and gradually the force of the pagan revolt wound down, though previously conquered lands had been lost and would not be recovered for twenty years.
The Papal Legates
In 1224 Bishop Albert appealed to the Pope to send a Legate to resolve the territorial and jurisdictional problems in the north. In response the Pope sent William of Modena, a Papal vice-chancellor, to hear and settle all disputes.
William of Modena
William of Modena arrived in Livonia in 1225 and embarked on a thorough investigation. He spared no effort and remained immune to all forms of bribery and intimidation.
Unfortunately for the Bishop, William discovered that although the Knight Brothers had been remiss in their duties, their demands were reasonable. They carried a great burden, and if the crusade were to prosper their requirements would have to be met, at least partially. William likewise found that the Burghers of Riga must have certain rights, freeing them from the Bishop’s authority, and that Estonia, the rightful conquest of the King of Denmark, should not be brought under the authority of the Bishop of Riga at all. Instead, Estonia was declared a Papal province. At the same time William emphasized the Bishop’s spiritual authority. By his diplomacy and sanctity, William brought these varied groups into a temporary accord and when he left (in 1226) everything seemed set for a prosperous future.
The Last Triumph of the Knights of the Sword
Things began well. In 1227 the Baltic froze over, allowing the Knights of the Sword easy access to the pagan Oeselians, whom they quickly subdued. Now, however, the Knights were hemmed in. To the north were the Danish territories of Estonia, to the east the Russians, and to the west the Baltic. This left, of course, Lithuania.
From 1227 to 1236 the Knights of the Sword were at almost constant war with the Lithuanians, and whenever this war turned against them their old disputes with the Bishop of Riga flared up again. The Knights were unceasing in their demands for money. Their means were not adequate! They could not arm or train or recruit! Their lands were too limited! Their vassals were rebellious! And for their part the new Christians were appalled by the Knights. Brutality, extortion, kidnapping — the complaints flooded in to Riga. It was too much for Bishop Albert to handle, and he died in 1229.
Now the Knights of the Sword plumbed the depths of wanton brutality. Their crusade became a protracted series of raids without even the pretense of conversion. Unwanted captives were butchered, villages that resisted were put to the torch, and women were routinely violated.
In the meantime, two separate church groups named successors to Bishop Albert’s see. The election deadlocked and had to wait for Papal arbitration. The Pope ordered William of Modena to settle things, but William was busy in Poland, and delegated the matter to a distinguished Abbot, Baldwin of Alba.
Baldwin was the second Papal legate to struggle with the Baltic problem, and he achieved much less than William. In the absence of a senior Bishop to restrain them, the Knights of the Sword had begun seizing power wherever they could. Baldwin arrived in Livonia in 1230 and set about arrogantly assuming power on behalf of the Pope. His policies alienated the Rigan merchants and the nobles, and infuriated the Knights of the Sword. For a year a low-scale war was fought, both legally and militarily, with the Knights gradually losing ground. Just as Baldwin seemed on the verge of victory a new Bishop, Nicholas of Magdeburg, was confirmed in Livonia. Nicholas’s policies undermined Baldwin, and the legate retreated in disarray to Italy where he told the Pope about the riotous, disobedient, arrogant conduct of the Knights of the Sword (towards himself, that is).
Pope Gregory IX was not pleased by Baldwin’s report and sent him back with enhanced powers. This time Baldwin had an army of Saxons, which gave him several victories and brought the Knights to seek terms for a negotiated settlement. The Master of the Knights, Folkwin, agreed to a disadvantageous settlement, only to be overthrown by his own brothers. The Knights then moved against Baldwin, cornered him at Reval, and defeated his army, killing hundreds of Papal warriors.
Baldwin fled to Rome and charged the Knights of the Sword with disobedience, rebellion, and heresy. The Pope was furious. He relieved Baldwin of his authority and ordered William of Modena back to Livonia. William arrived in 1234 and instituted a new division of estates, giving more to the Knights and establishing Bishoprics in Oesel and Curland. He brought the feuding parties to terms and got Master Folkwin reinstated. Surely the Knights now had sufficient land?
Surely they could conduct themselves as good Christians?
One man knew they could not, and Master Folkwin was in despair. All around him he could see greed, brutality, lust, and arrogance. In desperation he turned to the one force that might be able to save his Brotherhood, the Teutonic Knights. He invited the Teutonics to consider a merger. The Teutonics sent envoys, who realized that the Knights of the Sword could only be trusted under terms of complete submission, which they refused to give.
Folkwin returned to raiding. 1235 was a successful year, while in 1236 a major effort was made possible by the presence of many new crusaders from Germany and a strong body of native auxiliaries. The combined army moved into Lithuania and set about raiding and looting. Then, at Saule, they came up against a strong Lithuanian force. The Lithuanians got across the crusaders’ route home and found a strong position bolstered by a swift stream. Encircled, the crusaders attacked the force in front of them, but were rebuffed and caught between the two pagan armies. Nearly half the Brotherhood was wiped out, the Master was killed, 2000 crusaders died, and Curland and Semgallia rose in rebellion.
Now there was no resisting the demands of the Teutonic Knights. They would take on the Brotherhood’s debts and would arm, feed, and care for them in exchange for complete subordination and the swearing of full monastic oaths. In 1237 Herman Balke, Grand Master of the Teutonic Knights, arrived in Riga. The Knights of the Sword surrendered to him, and their crusade was over.
Ranks in the Teutonic Order
- Grand Master
- Grand Commander
- High Official (Marshall, Hospitaller, Treasurer, Trapier)
- Senior Knight Commander
- Knight Commander
- Knight Brother
- Priest Brother
- Half Brother/Sister
- Sergeant
The Teutonics Take Charge
Once again, the Pope sent William of Modena north. All the old problems of land and authority had to be thrashed out anew. By 1240 William had negotiated an acceptable settlement, and successfully started a crusade against the Russians. He even managed to draw in the Swedes and Danes for this campaign.
In directing a crusade in this direction, the Church was ignoring the fact that the Russians worshipped the same God they did. When Teutonic and Russian armies met, two Crusading auras came into violent conflict. The new crusade began in the winter of 1240 while most of Russia was crumbling under the final assault of the Mongols (see Chapter 6). Unluckily for the western crusaders the only Russian city not actually invaded by the Mongols was Novgorod, which was under the control of Aleksandr, grandson of Vsevolod III. Aleksandr met the Swedes first, on the frozen River Neva. His victory here was so complete that his triumphant soldiers awarded him the accolade “Aleksandr Nevskii.”
The Teutonics did, however, take Pskov in 1241, and held it against Aleksandr until April of 1242. Then he entered Livonia, attacking Dorpat. The Teutonics rallied and chased Aleksandr back to lake Chudskoe. Here the two armies met in April, on the bank of the ice-locked lake. In a maelstrom of clashing steel and contending auras, Aleksandr lured the heavily armored knights out onto the ice, which promptly broke. Ultimately neither side was capable of holding the territory of the other.
From now on the Russians would have continual, low-key trouble with the Danes and Swedes north of the Neva river. But they had their share of triumphs, and pushed through to raid Estonia in 1268 and 1270.
Albert Suerbeer
In 1246 the Pope sent another Papal Legate north: Albert Suerbeer. Suerbeer was also intended to be Archbishop of Livonia/Riga. The Teutonics, however, were resistant to the idea of a strong, local master. Their campaign in Lithuania was now going well. The local king, Mindaugus, was offerin to become a Christian, and they intended to keep independence and the gains for themselves. The Teutonics did nothing openly against Suerbeer, but would not support him. In 1250 Suerbeer was recalled and the dispute sent to a Papal court overseen by William of Modena. It was William’s last service for the church. Though ill, he forced a new treaty and division of authority which largely favored the Teutonics before his death in the autumn.
If anything signaled the Teutonics Knights’ power clearly, it was the permission this treaty gave their Master to crown Mindaugus as Christian King of Lithuania in 1251. Unfortunately, all Mindaugus cared for was the diplomatic advantages of being thought Christian.
From now on the Teutonics would fight a war in Livonia in two directions: on the field of battle against the Samogithians and Lithuanians, and in the ecclesiastical courts against Archbishop Suerbeer. And, regardless of any treaty or agreement, the Teutonics were not about to extend any rights or privileges to their new subjects. The locals were manifestly untrustworthy. Besides, they had other things on their minds.
For some time the crusading style of the Teutonics had been decaying. In 1255 they launched a major campaign in Samogithia with large contingents of Livonians to assist them. After the Samogithian army was defeated the land was ravaged. Men, women, and children were seized for slaves. Anyone too old or ugly to be valuable was slain out of hand. Fields and homes were torched in the army’s wake. No effort whatsoever was made at conversion.
Simultaneously, Archbishop Suerbeer got his case into the Papal courts. The charges against the Teutonics were falsifying Papal bulls, incest, adultery, preventing the sacraments from being administered, accepting as monks in their Brotherhood noblemen who had been convicted of robbery, simony, and assaulting clerics. It all came to nothing. No matter what charges were bought, somehow nothing could ever be proved, and the Pope stood solidly behind the Order. The charges were finally dismissed.
In the meantime, the war had turned against the Teutonics. Mindaugus of Lithuania had returned to paganism. A truce in 1257-9 was followed by a disastrous campaign. The Lithuanians killed both the Master of Livonia and the Master of Prussia; much of southern Livonia went into revolt and portions were lost to the Teutonics for nearly twenty years.
In 1263 Mindaugus was assassinated. The Teutonics failed to take immediate advantage of this because Albert Suerbeer was once again conspiring against them, and the Russians invaded in 1268. The Teutonics finally resorted to kidnapping Suerbeer and forcing all his subordinates to swear homage before they would release him. Suerbeer could take no satisfaction from the Teutonics’ problems on the battlefield (they suffered two serious defeats in 1270) — his ordeal had broken him. He died in 1273 and was succeeded by the ineffectual John of Lune.
In 1288/9 the Knights finally subdued Semgallia. By now typical policy was to drive the pagans out wholesale with fire and sword and bring in western settlers. The Teutonics would no longer tolerate opposition. In 1296, when the city of Riga tried to assert its independence, the Knights torched its major buildings, threw the local bishops in jail, and looted the homes of the rich burghers. The Lithuanians were quick to take advantage of the discord. Their new Grand Prince Vytenis marched north and reduced as many castles as he could before retreating with a wagon-train of booty.
The century ended badly, but worse was to come. In time the Teutonic Knights would be accused of worse crimes than incest and robbery. But before we can consider those events, we need to look briefly at how the Teutonics conducted themselves in their other domains in Prussia.
The Prussian Crusade
The Prussian crusade was fought under a more disciplined code than the Livonian, and with greater resources. The Teutonics had the advantage of clear rights and charters, and their first step was to absorb the tiny militant order of the Knights of Drobzyn.
From this beginning, in 1230, the crusade moved forward smoothly for nearly twelve years, advancing up the Vistula, crushing local resistance, and building forts and churches. With their steady advances went a considerable increase in power, and in 1241 the Teutonics had a chance to repay their debt to the Poles. A sudden message from Henry the Pious called them to support him on the field of Leignitz. The Teutonics sent over a thousand men to his aid. None of them returned.
Nonetheless, when it came to the local pagans, the Teutonics proved that with their heavy armor, big horses, and disciplined tactics, they could win. At least on level, dry ground. On muddy ground big horses and heavily armored men sank or shambled to a stop, and forested land was almost as bad. Nonetheless, the Teutonics would have had plain sailing if it weren’t for the problems of trade and authority.
For some time, the Polish Dukes had been competing with a Prince Swietopelk of Danzig over trade on the river Vistula. The Teutonic advance threatened the Pomeranian interests. In 1242 Prince Swietopelk entered an alliance with the Prussian tribes and went to war with the Teutonics. The problem was worsened by the fact that Swietopelk was technically Christian. At Rensen (1244) and at Krucken (1249) the Teutonics were defeated, losing many men and the current Masters. But the Polish Dukes gave the order solid military and trade support and the Pope sent legates north to restrain Swietopelk.
An agreement was reached splitting the Vistula between the Teutonics and the Pomeranians, with a share in future Prussian conquests for the Poles. Furthermore, the Papal legate insisted on a bill of rights for the new converts, allowing them to own property, sue in court, hold noble rank, and attend church.
None of this pleased the Teutonics. Fortunately for them, the King of Bohemia, Ottakar, gave a surprise generous donation, paying for the construction of the vital castle of Konigsberg (1254). At the same time, King Mindaugus of Lithuania, who was at least temporarily claiming to be Christian, allowed the Teutonics to build two crucial forts, Memel and Georgenburg. By 1259 the Teutonics seemed in firm control of Prussia, had no need to honor their earlier promises, and reneged.
The situation turned against them 1261, with a general Prussian revolt. After 30 years of fighting, the pagans had learned the use of siege technique and the crossbow. Two Prussian Masters were killed (one at the crucial battle of Durben), many castles were razed, the Pomeranians sent troops to aid the Prussians, the Poles couldn’t be bothered to help, and the first army of crusaders sent north by the Pope were wiped out at the calamitous battle of Pokarwis (1264).
Ultimately German crusaders saved the Order. The Duke of Brunswick campaigned in 1265, along with the Landgrave of Thuringia, followed by the Margrave of Brandenburg (1266) and the Margrave of Meissen (1272). The Teutonics recaptured their castles and forced the natives to either submit or to flee into Lithuania. By 1283 Prussia was firmly held. There were two more minor revolts (1286 and 1295), but there was now no force capable of helping the rebels, who were quickly crushed.
At the same time, of course, the dispute with Albert Suerbeer was working through to its sorry conclusion, and their sack of Riga in 1296 started a Livonian civil war in which their practices were unspeakably brutal
The Tainting of the Crusade
When the Livonian Bishops were released from prison they were quick to accuse their jailers of kidnapping, assault, theft, abuse, burning their dead, killing their wounded, and indulging in witchcraft. The case entered the Papal courts in 1309 and 1310, but somehow nothing came of it. The Teutonics endured. They conquered no more lands but they ruled what they had for over a century.
Corrupted?
It is for you to chose just how much and by what means the militant orders were corrupted. They seemed lost to piety, compassion, grace, and mercy. Founded by a group of gentle healers, they had progressed to brutal murders, to laying violent hands on ordained bishops, to rape and theft. But they always had good arguments for their actions and swift counter-accusations against anyone who stood in their way. A few options follow.
Holy Fools
Perhaps the Teutonics were right. Pagans denied Christ. Therefore they were possessed. Therefore baptism by force was exorcism. Therefore it was a sanctified act, and all acts leading to it were likewise sanctified. Having been granted absolution and remission of sin the souls of the crusaders could not be touched by “sinful” acts.
If it suits your saga you can accept this reasoning. Unquestionably many members of the various orders observed the monastic rules rigorously, and fought the inner battle against Satan as completely as they fought the outer. This, perhaps, is the most tragic of choices. It renders the crusade a failure only because the men fighting it lacked a touch of sensitivity, a smidgen of compassion. If they had been able to see when to say “Enough!” and send in the missionaries, all might have been well.
Brutes
Perhaps the crusaders simply lost control. They were vigorous men, caught up in battle lust and harder trials than they could bear. From Righteous Wrath, they strayed into simple, destructive fury. Doubtless after the craze of destruction and raping passed these men were sincerely remorseful and indulged in flagellation, hair-shirting, fasting, and prayers of penance until their tormented souls could know some peace.
Damned
Perhaps the crusaders were damned. It is, of course, very difficult for a demon to penetrate a Wrathful or Righteous aura. On the other hand, perhaps the auras in the crusading states were not always Wrathful or Righteous. All a demon needs to begin corrupting a Knight is the slightest moment of wavering. Once a demon has a hold it can infect those around the Knight, gradually replacing the local aura with an imitation, drawing everyone down into sin. Eventually, the Divine aura might collapse, allowing the demons to substitute a deceitful wrathful emotion.
Diabolists
It could be that the Teutonics and the other militant Orders were nothing more than cunning diabolists. Logically this would seem unlikely. Pax Dei stresses how easily a pious crusader can detect Infernal interference or corrupted souls. Page 26 states that in a Righteous aura the great majority of demonically influenced people are detected by pious crusaders on a Perception + Piety simple roll of 8+, while anyone so corrupted as to have False Faith is automatically detected.
The Teutonic Order, however, has a weakness. It is a very rigidly structured organization. Each Brother gives a lifelong vow of obedience, which automatically disposes him to obey his superiors. For this reason Teutonics will have considerable difficulty detecting Diabolical influence in anyone further up the chain of command. Take a look at the table “Ranks In The Teutonic Order” on page 43. For every level of separation between two Teutonics, the junior member suffers a –3 penalty to detect anything amiss in the senior member.
If the rot starts at the top it will be very difficult to detect. It will be more difficult still as false priests begin to give false sacraments and fail to invoke divine auras. In this instance wholesale corruption can sweep through a group very quickly. As long as genuine recognition of what is going on can be prevented, a corrupt Order might sustain itself for a very long time over a very large area.
Crusading Order VirtuesMan-at-Arms (+1): You are a non-noble, non knightly member of either the Brotherhood of the Knights of the Sword (the Sword Knights of Riga), or the Knights of the Bishop of Prussia the Knights of Drobzyn). You have sworn a vow of obedience to the local Bishop, though your adherence to this vow is very flexible. You begin play with the +1 Virtue Good Armaments and one sturdy horse. This material will not be replaced for free if lost or damaged. You may wear a version of the emblem of your order: a red sword and cross on the left shoulder for the Sword Knights and a red sword and star on the left shoulder for the Knights of Drobzyn. You are forbidden the white mantle of a full knight. Half Brother/Sister (+1): You are an assistant to the Priest Brothers of the Order of Teutonic Knights. You must take the +1 Virtue Educated and purchase some Formal Knowledges; at the very least you must be literate in Latin. You have taken a vow of obedience, but not of chastity, humility, or poverty. Your duties include record keeping, letter writing, preaching and conversion work amidst the heathen (though not the administration of any sacraments — you are not a priest), and healing. You may be educated enough (if you have abilities such as Civil and Canon Law) to be named an Advocate and given a post as a magistrate in a newly conquered district. Whatever your duties you are allowed to keep a small portion of fines, taxes, or fees. This is enough so that you have an income after all your living expenses of 10 silver pennies a month. Sergeant (+2): You are a non-noble, non-knightly member of the Order of Teutonic Knights. You have taken a lifelong vow of obedience to the Order, but have not assumed the monastic vows of chastity, poverty, or humility. You will find that this vow is neither flexible nor negotiable. Nonetheless, you are not answerable to any authority below that of the Pope or his legally appointed legates. You may wear the Order’s emblem of a black cross, usually upon a gray cloak. You begin play with the +1 Virtue Good Armaments and may purchase the +2 Virtue Superior Armaments at one point less than the listed cost. You also begin play with two horses. Any of this material will be replaced at no cost if lost or damaged as long as you remain within the Order. Depending on the date you may be stationed in Palestine, Armenia, Southern Hungary, Northern Poland, Prussia or Livonia (note that you cannot be stationed in Northern Europe before 1230). Priest Brother (+3): You are a priest of the Teutonic Knights, very likely having come from the Cistercian Order of monks. Like the Knight Brothers (below) you have sworn a full onastic oath of obedience, chastity, poverty, and humility. You should strongly consider the –3 Flaw Noncombatant. You automatically have the equivalent of the +1 Virtue Educated at no additional cost, allowing you to purchase Formal Knowledges. Unlike normal monks and priests you are answerable only to the Pope or his legally appointed legates. Your duties may be pastoral or martial. You must perform conversions and serve the congregation to which you are appointed. You may also have to invoke the Righteous Aura of God’s Wrath (see Pax Dei page 25) as your knightly superiors go into combat with the heathen. Knight Brother (+3): You are a full member of the Sword Knights or the Knights of Drobzyn. You wear a white mantle with an emblem (a sword and cross in red, or a sword and star in red). You have sworn a vow of obedience to your local bishop, though you are seldom obedient to this vow when it is not convenient. Almost all Knight Brothers have the Variable Flaw Enemies (some more than once), reflecting that somebody is very angry with you: your bishop, local burghers, a particular pagan tribe . . . take your pick. You begin play with the +2 Virtue Superior Armaments. You have two good horses and a pair of Men-at-Arms (as above). None of this material or manpower will be replaced for free should they be lost or damaged. Teutonic Knight (+4): You are a full Knight of the Teutonic Order. You wear a golden cloak adorned with a black cross. You have taken full monastic vows, to which you must seriously adhere. You are answerable only to the Pope and can confidently expect that your superiors will argue against Papal legates on your behalf. Depending on the date you may be stationed in Palestine, Armenia, Southern Hungary, Northern Poland, Prussia, or Livonia (though note that you cannot be stationed in Northern Europe before 1230). Together with half a dozen fellows and fifty Sergeants (as above) you may garrison a castle or form a troop in an army. You may have authority over a rich estate in Germany or France. You begin play with the +2 Virtue Superior Armaments, three fine horses, and a squire. Standard equipment includes full chain mail, a lance, greatsword or battleaxe, and kite shield. All of this material will be immediately replaced if damaged or lost. Knight Commander (+6): You are a highly ranked Knight of the Teutonic Order. You command a substantial district either within Prussia or Livonia, or perhaps a large and important castle. Note that you cannot be stationed in Prussia before 1230, nor in Livonia before 1237. You have a dozen Knights under your command and about a hundred Sergeants, as well as Priest Brothers and Half Brothers and Sisters (all as described above). You have taken a full monastic oath, to which you must seriously adhere, and have very onerous duties which are equivalent to having the –1 Flaw Obligation twice. You are answerable to no one but the Pope, and will not hesitate to dispute the decisions of Papal legates if they are not to your liking. Once a year you must travel or send a proxy (probably a senior Knight under your command) to Venice to participate in the Chapter General where the high ranking officers of the Order are elected; you yourself might aspire to hold such high rank. You start play with the +2 Virtue Superior Armaments. You have a choice of many fine horses, and the usual equipment of a Teutonic Knight. Your personal staff always includes a squire, one Knight as an aide, and a Priest Brother as your secretary. You are entitled to travel everywhere with a half dozen Sergeants for guards. You have the full use of all the resources in your district or castle, but remember, you own none of it! You must be punctilious in seeing that your subordinates are properly armed and mounted and vigorous in your leadership against the heathen. |
MALINCKA’S JOURNEY, PART 3
They came down into Tchediev village in the early evening. It was a cluster of heavy log huts amid wide fields and pastures, surrounded by gentle hills. It had been a long day’s trek on a poor path, but Malincka was not complaining.
This was good land to found a covenant in. The first month in the hills had taught her that. The people wore their Christianity lightly, and the auras were strong. She had found vis on the outskirts of a forest near Smolensk, and again in a rock grotto not far from Murom.
“We’re in luck.” It was Piotr, come back from the head of the line. Her Volkhv guide was a little less mysterious now. He still refused to let her know his real name, but he’d accepted her naming him after her own fancy, and answered to “Piotr” when they spoke. He was accompanied by a stranger, short and stout, balding but with a heavy beard, his forearms heavy and tanned from the sun.
“How so?”
“Meet Misha Vasilovich, son of the local headman. We’ve come in time for their midsummer ceremonial. It’s the high summer offering to lord Svarog. You’ve said you wanted to see one.”
Malincka stared down at the village, greedily. She could hear people singing among the fields and houses. She did. She did want to see this ceremony Piotr had mentioned, very much.
Such things he could do. Did the House of Bonisagus think themselves bold, to dream of breaching the Laws of Essential Nature? Could the Volkhvy really form auras? Change them? Temper them? When she thought of it she grew giddy with an almost physical hunger; oh to unravel this magic!
“Misha, Gospodin Vasilovich, I’m honored, will you show me your village?”
The ceremonial site was at the heart. It consisted of a flat weathered stone, overshadowed by an elm of tremendous size and age. There was a crowd there, a good three hundred strong, singing an antiphonal call and response, the deep voices of the men chanting back in response to the higher calling of the women. Beneath the singing both men and women were clapping their hands in a counter-rhythm. Around the edges of the crowd were masquers, the youths of the village. Their costumes were extravagant assemblages of fur and brush, wild-men masks, and long claws.
“Demons!” Misha laughed. “Svarog banishes them, you’ll see!”
It was a pretty superstition, she supposed. And there was certainly something happening. The village did have an aura. She could feel it dimly. It was not intense, not really, but it was there and positive, a friendly influence. She shivered. The aura, why it was almost stirring, almost moving, as if swept by some unseen current. But how bizarre . . . and now, well, it was deepening. Yes. She could feel it, very slowly but very definitely gaining in weight. “Impossible,” she whispered. “That is just not possible.”
As the evening began to darken, fires were lit. The stars came out slowly in the high, haze-free sky. The village men danced three times around the altar, then drove away the capering “demons” with whips made of long wheat stalks. All the while she could feel the great, mounting weight of the aura, the gathering magical power. Something was coming, something extraordinary, sensed but not understood. She cursed her imprecise faculty, if only she could see more clearly!
Standing behind the altar, the Volkhvy watched the setting sun intently. When the bottom of the solar disc touched the top of the western hills they raised their arms and began to sing. Light fell upon the altar, upon the tree, upon the priests. Their garments turned to gold, the leaves of the tree shone, the altar was ablaze. Someone had lead a horse to the altar, had its coat been brown? It was golden now, almost burning, so bright it was hard to look at. There was a knife in the chief Volkhv’s hand, as the sun sank behind the hills it rose, swung to the top of an arc, held for a moment, and then plunged down.
The horse gave a whinnying sigh as it collapsed, a final beam of light burst from the west, and suddenly she could see. Like a veil dropping the world was laid out, clear and sharp before her.
Light was welling up from the ground, from the houses, from every single person standing in the crowd. Hundreds and hundreds of luminous threads, rising and mingling on the air. And from the west came an answering light, a flood of radiance. There was no sun in the west, but a being, a man, looking out upon the world, his eyes too bright to meet, shadows fleeing away before his face, and one arm was stretched out toward the village, reaching towards them, towards her . . . .
The lights merged. From below, from above, meeting and reinforcing one another, spreading out in noiseless ripples, deepening and widening, moment by moment. She could almost understand! It meant . . . it was . . . almost, yes, almost . . . .
Night fell. She thought she heard a roll of distant thunder. Or was it a voice speaking? But there was Stanic, looking down at her, his lips moving, but no sound, no sound at all.
“Mistress? Mistress? Here now, are you well? Mistress Malincka? Here, you, help me sit the mistress down, she’s had a strange turn.” They gave her water to drink, and helped her to a hut where there was a bed. Marya chafed her wrists, and helped her to undress.
“Almost, I almost understand.”
“Yes mistress. Surely.”
“It is simple. It is a simple thing, but profound . . . I can understand it, if I only think a little more. . . .”
“You rest now. It’s been a long day.”
“The principles, there is an exchange of energy, of course . . . I can see the principles, and if the effect can be evoked at will, but to duplicate it we must first properly understand the exchange of energies, yes . . . that is it . . . we must understand the exchange. . . .”
“There you are my dear. You rest. You’ll understand in the morning.”
She did not understand. When morning came she walked out into the dew and the cool air. The aura was all around her, rich and strong and somehow still tied to every single man and woman in the village, intricate, marvelous and by every magical law that she knew, utterly impossible. She did not understand. But she would.
She vowed it.
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